The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
which and the Sungari River there were two more fortified defensive
lines—Kung-chu-ling and Kuang-cheng-tzu. There is little doubt that we
could have repulsed any advance of the enemy, and, according to our
calculations, could have assumed the offensive in superior force. Never
in the whole of her military history has Russia put such a mighty army
in the field as that formed by the concentration of the 1st, 2nd, and
3rd Manchurian Armies in August, 1905.
[Illustration: PRINCE KHILKOFF.]
Such were the favourable conditions existing when we suddenly received
the fatal news that an agreement had been come to with Japan at
Portsmouth.
It is clear, therefore, that the war ended too soon for Russia, and
before Japan had beaten the army which was opposed to her. After
defending every yard, we had retired to Hsi-ping-kai, and were, after
a year’s fighting, still in Southern Manchuria. The whole of Northern
Manchuria, including Harbin and part of Southern Manchuria, with Kirin
and Kuang-cheng-tzu, was still in our hands, and the enemy had nowhere
touched Russian territory, except in Saghalien. Yet we laid down our
arms, and besides ceding half the Island of Saghalien to the enemy,
literally presented them—what was strategically far more important—with
the Hsi-ping-kai and Kung-chu-ling defensive lines, together with
the fertile districts which had fed our hosts, and it was with mixed
feelings of shame and bewilderment that we withdrew in October, 1905,
into winter quarters on the Sungari River. None of the many misfortunes
which had befallen us had such an evil effect on our troops as this
premature peace. Upon assuming command, I had assured the army that not
a man would be allowed to return to Russia until we were victorious,
that without victory we would all be ashamed to show our faces at home,
and the men had really become imbued with the idea that the war must
be continued till we won. This was even recognized by the reservists,
many of whom said to me: “If we return home beaten, the women will
laugh at us.” Such a sentiment is, of course, not as valuable as a
wave of patriotism and a display of martial spirit before hostilities;
but under the conditions in which this war had to be conducted, the
mere acknowledgment by the whole army that without victory a return
to Russia was impossible augured well for any future fighting. Such,
then, being the conditions, the future historian must admit that,
although unsuccessful in the first campaign, our land forces had grown
in numbers, had gained experience, and had acquired such strength at
last that victory was certain, and that peace was concluded before they
had been really defeated. Our army was never fully tested; it had been
able to concentrate but slowly, and, consequently, suffered in detail
from the blows of a more ready enemy. When, after enormous sacrifices,
it was eventually able to mass in strength, and was furnished with
everything requisite for a determined campaign, peace was concluded.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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