The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 1 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
15. In the war of 1877–78 we had an unfortunate experience. The Turks,
whom we had conquered previously, although we had to fight against
huge odds, were on this occasion organized on the European system
by European instructors, and were better armed than we were. Their
firearms had been made in the workshops of Germany and England, and
were far superior to ours.[42] Now, other conditions being equal,
not only does the better weapon tend to victory, because it causes
greater loss, but because—and this is far more important—the knowledge
of being better armed bestows confidence. Possessed of a weapon even
but little inferior to that of an enemy, men are inclined to ascribe
their own faults to the superiority of the enemy’s armament. There
was in this respect no such difference between us and the Turks
in 1877–78 as had existed in 1853–55; but still, after our first
misfortune at Plevna, our army lost confidence in its rifles and guns,
and ascribed its misfortunes to the superior armament of the Turks.
Everything, therefore, points to the necessity of keeping up to date in
armament. In the past our difficulty in keeping pace with the various
improvements so rapidly introduced was increased by the fact that we
not only had to re-arm the regular army, but had to create an immense
stock of weapons for the reserve troops, militia, depôt troops, and
again as a reserve for the whole of the forces.
16. In our wars with minor enemies (such as Turks, Caucasians, and
Central Asians) we were victorious, owing to our great numerical
superiority. In meeting nations of a higher civilization than our
own (such as the Swedes and the French), we generally suffered very
heavily at first, but won in the end, in spite of our comparative lack
of skill, owing to our dogged bravery and determination. Peter the
Great carried on the struggle for nine years from Narva to Poltava,
and Alexander I. fought for the same period between Austerlitz and
the entry of our troops into Paris. The objects of these wars were
clear to our troops, and the men were inspired to fight on to the end
at all costs. As a result, our troops did win. In the Crimea, and in
1877–78, not only was our object in fighting vague, but the wars were
prematurely finished before the army or the nation had really put out
their strength, and in spite of our sacrifices and losses, we were in
both cases unsuccessful. Every war brings in its train much unhappiness
to both sides, and the loss of a campaign is for a great nation a
supreme misfortune and one overwhelming the machinery of government.
Therefore, strive as it may against commencing hostilities, when once
a country takes up arms it should continue to fight until it wins;
otherwise it will lose the right to be considered a great nation, and
will become a “collection of mere ethnographical material,” from which
other nationalities may be strengthened. The following words of my
report of 1900 are as applicable to-day as when I wrote them:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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