Simultaneously, Petrograd would be proclaimed in a state of war, and the laws resulting from the "Kornilov programme" would be published. The Supreme Commander-in-Chief requested me to despatch to the Stavka a score or more of reliable officers--officially "for trench mortar instruction"; actually they would be sent to Petrograd, and incorporated in the Officers' Detachment. In the course of the conversation he communicated the news from the Stavka, painting all in glowing colours. He told me, among other things, of rumours concerning new appointments to the Kiev, Odessa and Moscow commands, and of the proposed new Government, mentioning some existing ministers, and some names entirely unknown to me. The part played in this matter by the Provisional Government, in particular by Kerensky, was not clear. Had he decided on an abrupt change of military policy, would he resign, or would he be swept away by developments impossible of prediction by pure logic, or the most prophetic common sense? _In this volume I described the entire course of events during August in that sequence and in that light, in which these tragic days were experienced on the South-Western Front, not giving them the perspective of the stage and the actors acquired subsequently._ The seconding of the officers--with all precautions to prevent either them or their superiors being placed in a false position--was commenced, but it is hardly likely that it could have been accomplished by the 27th. Not one Army Commander was supplied by me with the information I had received; in fact, not one of the senior officers at the front knew anything of the events brewing. It was clear that the history of the Russian Revolution had entered on a new phase. What would the future bring? General Markov and I spent many hours discussing this subject. He--nervous, hot-headed and impetuous--constantly wavered between the extremes of hope and fear. I also felt much the same; and both of us quite clearly saw and felt the _fatal inevitability_ of a crisis. The Soviets--Bolshevists or semi-Bolshevists, no matter which--would unfailingly bring Russia to her doom. A conflict was unavoidable. But _over there_, was there an actual chance, or was everything being done in heroic desperation? [Illustration: General Kornilov's welcome in Moscow.] CHAPTER XXXII. GENERAL KORNILOV'S MOVEMENT AND ITS REPERCUSSION ON THE SOUTH-WEST FRONT. On August 27th I was thunderstruck by receiving from the Stavka news of the dismissal of General Kornilov from the post of Supreme Commander-in-Chief. A telegram, unnumbered, and signed "Kerensky," requested General Kornilov to transfer the Supreme Command temporarily to General Lukomsky, and, without awaiting the latter's arrival to proceed to Petrograd. Such an order was quite illegal, and not binding, as the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was in no way under the orders either of the War Minister or of the Minister-President, certainly not of Comrade Kerensky.