The Russo-Japanese Conflict: Its Causes and IssuesAsakawa, Kan'ichi
History
The Russo-Japanese Conflict: Its Causes and Issues
Asakawa, Kan'ichi
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905; Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905 -- Causes
Presently, however, the British Government awoke to the conviction that
Port Arthur was “not a commercial harbor,” and “it was doubtful whether
it could be converted into one.” “But,” stated the Marquess of
Salisbury, “though not a commercial harbor, Port Arthur supplies a naval
base, limited indeed in extent, but possessing great natural and
artificial strength. And this, taken in connection with its strategic
position, gives it an importance in the Gulf of Pechili and therefore at
Peking, upon which, in their representation to Japan at the close of the
war with China, the Russian Government laid the greatest emphasis....
The possession, even if temporary, of this particular position, is
likely to have political consequences at Peking of great international
importance, and the acquisition of a Chinese harbor notoriously useless
for commercial purposes by a foreign Power will be universally
interpreted in the Far East as indicating that the partition of China
has begun.... It may, perhaps, be proper to observe that a great
military Power which is conterminous for over four thousand miles with
the land frontier of China, including the portion lying nearest to its
capital, is never likely to be without its due share of influence on the
councils of that country. Her Majesty’s Government regard it as most
unfortunate that it has been thought necessary, in addition, to obtain
control of a port which, if the rest of the Gulf of Pechili remains in
hands so helpless as that of the sovereign Power, will command the
maritime approaches to its capital, and give to Russia the same
strategic advantage by sea which she already possesses in so ample a
measure by land.”[232] In this spirit, the British Government asked
Count Muravieff through Sir N. O’Conor, on March 23, to reconsider the
advisability of pressing demands upon China in regard to Port Arthur.
England would not object to the Russian lease of an ice-free commercial
harbor connected by rail with the trans-Siberian Railway, but questions
of an entirely different kind were opened if Russia obtained control of
a military port in the neighborhood of Peking. England, on her part, was
prepared to give assurances that beyond the maintenance of the existing
treaty rights she had no interests in Manchuria, and to pledge herself
not to occupy any port in the Gulf of Pechili as long as other Powers
maintained the same policy.[233] To this protest, so plainly attended by
a second wish of Great Britain to make a counter-move when the prime
move of Russia could not be checked, Count Muravieff made, on March 23,
a firm reply, refusing absolutely to admit that the integrity of the
Chinese Empire was violated by the proposed lease of Port Arthur, and
repeating his assertion that the possession of that harbor was a
question of vital necessity to Russia. Sir N. O’Conor confessed the
futility of his protest.[234] About the same day, M. Pavloff informed
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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