The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
There cannot be the least doubt that many of them were usurpations,
gradual developments of an old and simple principle; and it is only in
periods of advanced civilization that we find them alluded to.
Nevertheless we must admit that even at the earliest recorded time in
our history, the kings were not only wealthy but powerful far beyond any
of their fellow-countrymen. All intercourse with foreign nations,
whether warlike or peaceful, tends to this result, because treaties and
grave affairs of state can best be negotiated and managed by single
persons: a popular council may be very properly consulted as to the
final acceptance or rejection of terms; but the settlement of them can
obviously not be beneficially conducted by so unwieldy a multitude.
Moreover contracting parties on either side will prefer having to do
with as small a number of negotiators as possible, if it be only for the
greater dispatch of business. Accordingly Tacitus shows us, on more than
one occasion, the Senate in communication with the princes, not the
populations of Germany[286]: and this must naturally be the case where
the aristocracy, to whose body the king belongs, have the right of
taking the initiative in public business[287].
Footnote 286:
“Adgandestrii, principis Cattorum, lectas in Senatu literas.” Annal.
ii. 88. “Maroboduum ... per dona et legationes petivisse foedus.”
Annal. ii. 45. “Misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia.” Ibid.
Footnote 287:
“De minoribus rebus principes consultant; de maioribus omnes: ita
tamen, ut ea quoque, quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud principes
pertractentur.... Mox rex vel princeps, prout aetas cuique, prout
nobilitas, prout decus bellorum, prout facundia est, audiuntur,
auctoritate suadendi magis quam iubendi potestate.” Mor. Germ. xi.
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But although we find a great difference in the social position, wealth
and power of the king, and those of the noble and freeman, we are not to
imagine that he could at any time exercise his royal prerogatives
entirely at his royal pleasure[288]: held in check by the universal love
of liberty, by the rights of his fellow nobles, and the defensive
alliances of the freemen[289], he enjoyed indeed a rank, a splendour and
an influence which placed him at the head of his people,—a limited
monarchy, but happier than a capricious autocracy: and the historian who
had groaned over the vices and tyranny of Tiberius, Nero and Domitian,
could give the noble boon of his testimony to the eternal memory of the
_barbarous_ Arminius.
-----
Footnote 288:
“Nec regibus infinita, nec libera potestas.” Mor. Germ. vii. “Auctore
Verrito et Malorige, qui nationem eam regebant, in quantum Germani
regnantur.” Tac. Annal. xiii. 54.
Footnote 289:
“Ceterum Arminius, abscedentibus Romanis et pulso Maroboduo, regnum
adfectans, libertatem popularium adversam habuit, petitusque armis,
cum varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit.” Tac. Annal.
ii. 88.
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