The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
In the strict theory of the comitatus, the gesíð could possess no
property of his own; all that he acquired was his lord’s, and even the
liberalities of the lord himself were only _beneficia_ or loans, not
absolute gifts[318]: he had the usufruct only during life, the _dominium
utile_: the _dominium directum_> was in the lord, and at the death of
the tenant it is obvious that the estate vested in the lord alone: the
gesíð could have no _ius testamenti_, as indeed he had no family: the
lord stood to him in place of father, brother and son. Hereditary
succession, which must at first have been a very rare exception, could
only have arisen at all either from the voluntary or the compelled grant
of the lord: it could only become general when the old distinction
between the free markman and the gesíð had become obliterated, and the
system of the Comitatus had practically and politically swallowed up
every other. Yet even under these circumstances it would appear that a
perfectly defined result was not attained; and hence, although the
document entituled “Rectitudines singularum personarum” numbers the _ius
testamenti_ among the rights of the þegen[319], yet even to the close of
the Anglosaxon monarchy, we find dukes, præfects, kings’ thanes, and
other great nobles humbly demanding permission from the king to make
wills, entreating him not to disturb their testamentary dispositions,
and even bribing his acquiescence by including him among the legatees.
In this as in all human affairs, a compromise was gradually found
necessary between opposing powers, and the king as well as the comites,
neither of whom could dispense with the assistance of the other, found
it advisable to make mutual concessions. I doubt whether at even an
earlier period than the eleventh century, the whole body of thanes would
have permitted the king to disregard the testament of one of their body,
unless upon definite legal grounds, as for example grave suspicion of
treason: but still they might consent to the nominal application and
sanction of the ancient principle, by allowing the insertion of a
general petition, that the will might stand, in the body of the
instrument[320].
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Footnote 318:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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