The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 1 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
The right of private warfare, technically called fǽhðe or _feud_[495],
was one which every Teutonic freeman considered inalienable; and which,
coupled with the obligations of family, was directly derived from his
original position as a freeman[496]: it was the privilege which he
possessed before he consented to enter into any political bond, the
common term upon which all freemen could meet in an equal form of
polity. It was an immediate corollary from that primæval law of nature,
that each man may provide for his own defence, and use his own energies
to secure his own well-being, and the quiet possession of his life, his
liberty and the fruits of his labour. History and tradition both assure
us that it did exist among the tribes of the North: and it is reasonable
to suppose that it must have done so, especially in any case where we
can conceive separate families and households to have maintained at all
an independent position toward one another. Where no _imperium_ yet
exists, society itself possesses only a _ius belli_ against its own
several members; and if neighbours will not be neighbourly, they must be
coerced into peace (the great and first need of all society and the
condition of its existence) by alliance of the many against the few, of
the orderly and peaceful against the violent and lawless. This right of
feud then lies at the root of all Teutonic legislation; and in the
Anglosaxon law especially it continues to be recognized long after an
imperial power has been constituted, and the general conservancy of the
peace has been committed to a central authority. It admits as its most
general term, that each freeman is at liberty to defend himself, his
family and his friends; to avenge all wrongs done to them, as to himself
shall seem good; to sink, burn, kill and destroy, as amply as a royal
commission now authorizes the same in a professional class, the
recognized executors of the national will in that behalf. Now it is
obvious that such a power, exercised in its full extent, must render the
formation of an orderly society difficult, if not impossible. The first
problem then is to devise means by which private vengeance may be
regulated, private wrong atoned, the necessity of each man’s doing
himself right avoided, and the general state of peace and security
provided for. For setting aside the loss to the whole community which
may arise from private feud, the moral sense of men may be shocked by
its results: an individual’s own estimate of the satisfaction necessary
to atone for the injury done to him, may lead to the commission of a
wrong on his part, greater than any he hath suffered; nor can the strict
rule of “an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth,” be applied, where
the exaction of the penalty depends upon the measure of force between
appellant and defender.
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Footnote 495:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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