“Alas, alas! ’tis all trouble hath left me To cherishe me and my poor sister’s life. If this were sold, our names should then be quite Razed from the bedroll of gentility. You see what hard shift we have made to keep it Allied still to our own name. This palm, you see, Labour hath glow’d within; her silver brow, That never tasted a rough winter’s blast Without a mask or fan, doth with a grace Defy cold winter and his storms outface!” Footnote 146: In MS. glossaries we find _gelondan_ rendered by _fratrueles_. In advanced periods only can there be a distinction between the family, and the local, distributions: Suidas, citing Xanthus, says the Lydians made a solemn supplication to the gods, παγγενεί τε καὶ πανδημεί. See Niebuhr on the Patrician Houses, i. 267. Footnote 147: Mor. Germ. c. 16. ----- The district occupied by a body of new settlers was divided by lot in various proportions[148]. Yet it is certain that not all the land was so distributed; a quantity sufficient to supply a proper block of arable[149] to each settler, was set apart for division; while the surplus fitted for cultivation, the marshes and forests less suited to the operations of the plough, and a great amount of fine grass or meadow-land, destined for the maintenance of cattle, remained in undivided possession as commons. At first too, it is clear, from what has been said in the second chapter, that considerable tracts were left purposely out of cultivation to form the marches or defences of the several communities. But those alone whose share in the arable demonstrated them to be members of the little state, could hope to participate in the advantages of the commons of pasture: like the old Roman patricians, they derived from their _haeredium_ benefits totally incommensurate with its extent. Without such share of the arable, the man formed no portion of the state; it was his franchise, his political qualification, even as a very few years ago a freehold of inconsiderable amount sufficed to enable an Englishman to vote, or even be voted for, as a member of the legislature,—to be, as the Greeks would call it, in the πολιτεία,—a privilege which the utmost wealth in copyhold estates or chattels could not confer. He that had no land was at first unfree: he could not represent himself and his interests in the courts or assemblies of the freemen, but must remain in the _mund_ or hand of another[150],—a necessary consequence of a state of society in which there is indeed no property but land, in other words, no market for its produce. ----- Footnote 148: