The Saxons in England, Volume 2 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquestKemble, John Mitchell
History
The Saxons in England, Volume 2 (of 2): A history of the English commonwealth till the period of the Norman conquest
Kemble, John Mitchell
Great Britain -- History -- Anglo-Saxon period, 449-1066
The largest amount of signatures which I have yet observed is 106, but
numbers varying from 90 to 100 are not uncommon, especially after the
consolidation of the monarchy[492]. In earlier times, and smaller
kingdoms, the numbers must have been much less: the gemót which decided
upon the reception of Christianity in Northumberland was held in a
room[493], and Dunstan met the witan of England in the upper floor of a
house at Calne[494]. Other meetings, which were rather in the nature of
conventions, and were held in the presence of armies, may have been much
more numerous and tumultuary,—much more like the ancient armed folkmoot
or the famous day which put an end to the Merwingian dynasty among the
Franks[495].
-----
Footnote 492:
See Cod. Dipl. Nos. 353, 364, 1107. There is one document signed by
121 persons (Cod. Dipl. Nos. 219, 220), but I have some doubt whether
all the signitaries were members of the gemót.
Footnote 493:
Beda, H. E. ii. 13.
Footnote 494:
Chron. Sax. an. 978.
Footnote 495:
Such perhaps was the gemót which after Eádmund írensída’s death
elected Cnut sole king of England, or that in which Earl Godwine and
his family were outlawed.
-----
That the members of the witena gemót were not elected, in any sense
which we now attach to the word, I hold to be indisputable: elective
witan ceased together with elective scírgeréfan or ealdormen[496]. But
in a system so elastic as the Saxon, it is conceivable that an
ealdorman, bishop or other great wita may have occasionally carried with
him to the gemót some friend or dependent whose wisdom he thought might
aid in the discussions, or whom the opinion of the neighbourhood
designated as a person well calculated to advise for the general good,—a
slight trace, but still a trace, of the ancient popular right to be
present at the settlement of public business. To this I attribute the
frequent appearance of priests and deacons, who probably attended in the
suite of prelates, and would be useful assessors when clerical business
was brought before the council. Generally, I imagine, the witan after
having once been called by writ or summons, met like our own peers, as a
matter of course, whenever a parliament was proclaimed; and that they
were summoned by the king, either _pro hac vice_, or generally, can be
clearly shown. Æðelstán, speaking of the gemóts at Greatanleá, Exeter,
Feversham and Thundersfield, says that the consultations were made,
before the archbishop, the bishops, and the witan present, _whom the
king himself had named_: “Swá Æðelstán cyng hit gerǽed hæfð, ⁊ his
witan, ǽrest æt Greátanleá, ⁊ eft æt Exanceastre, ⁊ syððám æt Fæfreshám,
⁊ feorðan síðe æt Ðunresfelda, beforan ðám arcebiscope, ⁊ eallum ðám
bisceopan, ⁊ his witum, ðe se cyng silf namode, ðe ðǽron wǽron[497].”
How these appointments took place is not very material, but as the witan
were collected from various parts of England, it is not unreasonable to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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