Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
To drop the metaphor, all those things in the true Socialist's demand which
are compatible with the Servile State can certainly be achieved. The first
steps towards them are already achieved. They are of such a nature that
upon them can be based a further advance in the same direction, and the
whole Capitalist State can be rapidly and easily transformed into the
Servile State, satisfying in its transformation the more immediate claims
and the more urgent demands of the social reformer whose ultimate objective
indeed may be the public ownership of capital and land, but whose driving
power is a burning pity for the poverty and peril of the masses.
When the transformation is complete there will be no ground left, nor any
demand or necessity, for public ownership. The reformer only asked for it
in order to secure security and sufficiency: he has obtained his demand.
Here are security and sufficiency achieved by another and much easier
method, consonant with and proceeding from the Capitalist phase immediately
preceding it: there is no need to go further.
In this way the Socialist whose motive is human good and not mere
organisation is being shepherded in spite of himself _away_ from his
Collectivist ideal and _towards_ a society in which the possessors shall
remain possessed, the dispossessed shall remain dispossessed, in which the
mass of men shall still work for the advantage of a few, and in which those
few shall still enjoy the surplus values produced by labour, but in which
the special evils of insecurity and insufficiency, in the main the product
of freedom, have been eliminated by the destruction of freedom.
At the end of the process you will have two kinds of men, the owners
economically free, and controlling to their peace and to the guarantee of
their livelihood the economically unfree non-owners. But that is the
Servile State.
* * * * *
(_b_) The second type of socialist reformer may be dealt with more briefly.
In him the exploitation of man by man excites no indignation. Indeed, he is
not of a type to which indignation or any other lively passion is familiar.
Tables, statistics, an exact framework for life--these afford him the food
that satisfies his moral appetite; the occupation most congenial to him is
the "running" of men: as a machine is run.
To such a man the Collectivist ideal particularly appeals.
It is orderly in the extreme. All that human and organic complexity which
is the colour of any vital society offends him by its infinite
differentiation. He is disturbed by multitudinous things; and the prospect
of a vast bureaucracy wherein the whole of life shall be scheduled and
appointed to certain simple schemes deriving from the coordinate work of
public clerks and marshalled by powerful heads of departments gives his
small stomach a final satisfaction.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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