Collectivism; Economic history; Great Britain -- Economic policy; Industrial policy; Social history; Socialism
All that has passed. The last chapter of its passage has been singularly
rapid. Roughly speaking, it is the generation brought up under the
Education Acts of the last forty years which has grown up definitely and
hopelessly proletarian. The present instinct, use, and meaning of property
is lost to it: and this has had two very powerful effects, each strongly
inclining our modern wage-earners to ignore the old barriers which lay
between a condition of servitude and a condition of freedom. The first
effect is this: that property is no longer what they seek, nor what they
think obtainable for themselves. The second effect is that they regard the
possessors of property as a class apart, whom they always must ultimately
obey, often envy, and sometimes hate; whose moral right to so singular a
position most of them would hesitate to concede, and many of them would now
strongly deny, but whose position they, at any rate, accept as a known and
permanent social fact, the origins of which they have forgotten, and the
foundations of which they believe to be immemorial.
To sum up: The attitude of the proletariat in England to-day (the attitude
of the overwhelming majority, that is, of English families) towards
property and towards that freedom which is alone obtainable through
property is no longer an attitude of experience or of expectation. They
think of themselves as wage-earners. To increase the weekly stipend of the
wage-earner is an object which they vividly appreciate and pursue. To make
him cease to be a wage earner is an object that would seem to them entirely
outside the realities of life.
What of the second factor, the gambling chance which the Capitalist system,
with its necessary condition of freedom, of the legal power to bargain
fully, and so forth, permits to the proletarian of escaping from his
proletariat surroundings?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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