"I should be sorry," I declared, "for the man who made a serious attempt to wipe out the marriage laws of this country." He looked at me with a cynical turn of his thin lips. "There was never a race of people in the world," he pronounced, "who hugged their chains like the British. In their hearts they love the lash of authority. Think. For generations their leaders, their prophets and their preachers have been drawn from one class only, the class which they are accustomed to obey. The people have never found their Rienzi in politics, in literature or in sociology. That is because of the age-long snobbishness of the Englishman. During the last ten years, for the first time, the people have kicked over the traces so far as regards their material prosperity. They are being fed with doles and pittances but they are moving forward. Soon they will begin to think. Then, just as they have asserted themselves in material ways, they will begin to demand an active voice in the reconstruction of Society." "What is your substitute for the marriage laws?" Rose asked him bluntly. To do him justice, I must say that he spoke with the conviction of one who enunciates the most obvious truths, truths which did not even admit of argument. "Union between man and woman," he explained, "is intended for the production of children. The only sane restraint which common sense should place upon this connection is the presence of human affection. That is the only restraint there should be." "I see," Leonard murmured. "And what would become of the children?" "They are for the State--children of the State," was the almost wondering reply. "Every household should have its nursery. For every child born, a State grant should be given." "Is there any literature," I enquired, "setting out these altruistic views?" "There is," Creslin replied, after a moment's pause. "The time is scarcely ripe, however, for its dissemination. If you would care to possess a text book, drawn up by myself and embodying the principles which I desire sooner or later to be accepted by the whole world, I will present you with one." Before we went to bed that night, the precious pamphlet was in our possession. The presence of Creslin in the country was now universally admitted by the Press, although his exact whereabouts did not once appear in print. The day fixed for the Congress of Labour leaders, to be held at Blackham, drew near. Meanwhile, Creslin was watched by detectives and press men alike. It occurred to us more than once that he almost expected and certainly hoped for arrest. I spoke on this matter to Rastall. "There is nothing Creslin desires so much," he pointed out, "as to pose as a martyr over here. Until he begins to preach his abominable doctrines or disseminate his literature, he is on the side of the law. The sociology he preaches, apart from its sexual side, is reasonable and even finely conceived." "Supposing he were to be arrested?" I asked.