The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
Booker T. Washington came first prominently into view by the speech
from which the above extract was taken, delivered by him at the Atlanta
Cotton States Exposition, in Atlanta, Georgia, September 18, 1895.
What D. H. Hill had urged for the Southern whites in 1866, Washington
now urged for the Negroes. The Northern people were growing somewhat
weary of the Negroes’ continual appeals for political recognition and
this speech, avoiding such and couched in the most conciliatory phrases
concerning the Southern whites, was a surprising departure. It struck
a popular chord. It was written up in the very best vein by the most
celebrated journalistic correspondent of that period, James Creelman,
then in the zenith of his career of feature writing, as an “epoch
making oration.” This writer, commanding the pages of the most widely
read New York paper of that day, ranked—
“Professor Booker T. Washington, President of the Tuskegee (Alabama)
Normal and Industrial Institute, as the foremost man of his race in
America.”[248]
But Creelman did not stand alone. The editor of the Atlanta
Constitution telegraphed to the North that “the address was a
revelation.”
The Boston Transcript declared: “It dwarfed all the other proceedings
and the exposition itself.”[249]
President Cleveland was even quoted as affirming that “the exposition
would be fully justified if it did not do more than furnish the
opportunity for its delivery.”[250]
The key-note of the speech has been before noted. In addition it
contained two specific declarations, which constituted “the revelation”:
“1. In all things that are purely social, we can be as separate as
the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual
progress.[251]
2. The wisest of my race understand, that the agitation of questions
of social equality is the extremest folly and that progress in the
enjoyment of all the privileges that will come to us, must be the
result of severe and constant struggle rather than of artificial
forcing.”[252]
When to these expressions was added the further declaration:—
“that we shall prosper as we learn to dignify and glorify common
labor.”[253]—
it was scarcely surprising that the speech was generally accepted in
the South as a renunciation of all hopes of social equality, and an
acceptance of a position for the Negro very near to that which Calhoun
had assigned to him—“the best substratum of population in the world”
for it would be one—“upon which great and flourishing commonwealths
could be most easily and safely reared.”
What fault then could the superficial Southern thinker find with such
a policy? It certainly fitted very admirably with that which Senator
Butler had declared some five years previously it was “not a common
thing to hear men say,” viz., the Negroes make “a good peasant class.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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