The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
“We have for the last 12 years been going through a great and
dangerous juncture. The passage is almost made and, if no new cause
of difficulty should intervene, it will be successfully made. I, at
present, see none but the abolition question, which however, I fear
is destined to shake the country to its centre.... For the first time
the bold ground has been taken that slaves have a right to petition
Congress ... itself emancipation.... Our fate as a people is bound
up in the question. If we yield, we will be extirpated; but if we
successfully resist, we will be the greatest and most flourishing
people of modern time. It is the best substratum of population in the
world and one on which great and flourishing Commonwealths may be most
easily and safely reared.”[386]
We of the South know, we did not successfully resist emancipation; were
not extirpated; but do form part of “the greatest and most flourishing
people of modern time.” We must realize that, no matter what was the
price paid for it, emancipation was salvation for the South. It was a
deliverance from the “body of death,” Reviewing our history, we find
that in the same year that Calhoun, the greatest disruptive force in
our politics, pronounced the dictum last quoted, a comparatively young
and unknown politician, destined to be the greatest cementing force of
the Union, declared—
“That the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad
policy; but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather
to promote than to abate its evils.”[387]
In discussing this utterance of Lincoln, his latest biographer,
Mr. Stephenson, who declares it reveals the dawn of his intellect,
beautifully pictures how—
“arise the two ideas, the faith in a mighty governing power; the equal
faith that it should use its might with infinite tenderness; that it
should be slow to compel results.”[388]
Going back ten years before the dawn of Lincoln’s intellect, and four
prior to the declaration that the Negro question was, as he, Calhoun,
saw it an African slave substratum on which great and flourishing
commonwealths could be most easily and safely reared, Hayne, on the
floor of the United States Senate, voiced in his own words, Lincoln’s
subsequently sponsored thought.
Harken to Hayne:
“Thus, Sir, it appears that the Almighty in the wise order of his
providence has marked out the course of events, which will not only
remove all danger, but gradually and effectually and in his own good
time accomplish our deliverance from what gentleman are pleased to
consider as the curse of the land.”[389]
In 1827, it is apparent that the Negro question was a different
question than it later became to the South; and that the strengthening
and possible spread of slavery was in some measure due to Calhoun’s
devotion to it, over and above all other questions, even before
Nullification, is evidenced by his letter to Maxcy in 1830:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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