“The States themselves must control the Negro question, or the American system is at an end. Effort on the part of the Federal Government to control or even to tamper with this matter must at all times result, as it has hitherto invariably resulted, in riot and anarchy. Thus, as far as the South is concerned, the very highest sanctions possible are by natural law attached to strict observance of the true constitutional construction. To travel the constitutional path is safety and happiness; to wander from it is instant anarchy. ... The purpose is to protect all local affairs against intrusion from without, but among those affairs first and foremost has always stood the Negro Question, in which there can be no hesitation, choice or possibility of alternative. Thus the smaller matter of the presence of the Negro is included in the larger class of matters which comprise the whole range of local interests.... The Negro is thus the (wholly unconscious) means of illustrating the necessity for constitutional self government. His presence effectually prevents the South from departing for an instant from the Constitutional pathway. Cuffy must be remembered if the Republic is to be saved.”[404] This is in agreement with the view, that the Southern States are Democratic, because the presence of the Negro, now freed, forces them to be so. There may be truth in that; but it may be, that they are and have been Democratic in spite of the Negro. The publication of the List of Tax-Payers in Charleston, “The Hot-Bed of Secession”, in 1860 was an illustration of the thorough-going democracy of the place and the people, at that time. It was an open display of the strength and weakness of each and every governmental burden bearer, and of the burdens imposed. What could be more democratic than that? There was a tax of 1.4 per cent on real estate; a tax of 1.4 per cent on stocks of goods. There was no tax on bonds and no tax on stock, because, without interest or dividends, the scrip is mere paper. But there was a tax on interest and dividends of 2.5 per cent; the same on gross income; commissions; annuities and gross receipts of all commercial agencies. On premiums of insurance there was a tax of 1.25 per cent. On capital in shipping, as it should have been, the tax was light, only .75 per cent; for shipping is the very life of a seaport. But it was also gainful, so it was taxed for some of its gain. The foolish idea of absolute exemption was avoided. Luxuries were taxed fairly, in the additional head taxes. The carriage drawn by two horses was taxed a third more than the carriage drawn by one. Sulkeys were taxed lower than one horse carriages and horses and mules lower still. Slaves were taxed, but the head tax of $3 per slave, when it is realized that some sold for $1200 apiece was indefensibly light compared to the tax on horse-flesh and property of that kind. One per cent on a Negro to ten per cent on a mule by the average value and