The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
The condition was strange. The Georgians had a policy and the lead of
a section, but no man among them possessed the qualities essential for
such a task, as their bold program of pushing slavery to the Pacific
within the Union, demanded. Howell Cobb approached nearer the station
of leader than any other man of his State; but he scarcely measured
up to what was required. Besides as great as Georgia was among the
Southern States, second only to Virginia, in point of population, and
quite beyond in wealth and resources, among the States of the Union,
in point of population, she barely ranked tenth. From the continuous
stream of white immigrants pouring into Illinois that great State was,
however, rapidly moving up to the position of fourth in population,
while in Stephen A. Douglas, she possessed one of the most audacious
and resourceful of politicians who had ever moved in the affairs of the
Union, to a great height. Carrying at his heels some forty-two Northern
votes in Congress, he appeared to be just the man the Georgians
needed, and accordingly in the Congress which met in December, 1853,
he introduced his bill for the organization of the territory of
Nebraska, framing the provisions thereof upon the precedents set in
the organization of the territories of Utah and New Mexico four years
before. Of this bill, a distinguished author, later president of the
United States, has said:
“No bolder or more extraordinary measure had ever been proposed in
Congress, and it came upon the country like a thief in the night,
without warning or expectation, when parties were trying to sleep off
the excitement of former debates about the extension of slavery.”[152]
Mr. Woodrow Wilson was of the opinion that Southern members had never
dreamed of demanding such a measure and that no one but Douglas, would
have dreamed of offering it to them; but yet he says the President had
been consulted and had given his approval to it, upon the ground that
“it was founded upon a sound principle which the compromise of 1820
had infringed upon.”[153] And certain it is that the President had
consulted, concerning it, that Southerner who was destined to occupy
the most prominent position ever held by a Southerner. Jefferson Davis
knew of it.
Of the author of the bill, Robert Toombs declared some seven years
later, with his characteristic exaggeration, that the Apostle Paul was
about his only superior as a leader. While Alexander H. Stephens, with
absolute devotion, clung to him, until secession swept them apart,
Toombs was less faithful. Forty-four Northern Democrats, and all but
nine of the Southern members of the House of Representatives, supported
the bill, and in the popular branch of Congress, it prevailed, by a
majority of thirteen votes; in the Senate, by a vote of nearly three
to one.[154] But Mr. Wilson declares that the Act contained a fatal
ambiguity. When was squatter sovereignty to give its decision on the
question of slavery?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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