The slave trade : $b Slavery and colorJervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
History
The slave trade : $b Slavery and color
Jervey, Theodore D. (Theodore Dehon)
African Americans; Slave trade -- United States; Slavery -- United States; United States -- Race relations
In the elaborate report of the committee of the General Assembly of
South Carolina, in reply to the message, in which the said Act was
recommended to be nullified; while the honesty and sincerity of the
members may not be questioned, their woeful unfitness for the position
of responsibility placed upon them, has, in the light of time, been
made almost ludicrously apparent. Their utter inability to appreciate
the terrific evils, to the civilization they thought they were
defending and strengthening by their advocacy of the re-opening of the
slave trade, was most strikingly indicated by their impressions of
the effect of emancipation, less lurid than Hammond’s picture, but as
strikingly incorrect.
“The paralysis of industry, which would ensue from the emancipation
of the slaves, would, in the course of a single year, leave the whole
country almost destitute of food and the wretched inhabitants would
perish by thousands with all the lingering tortures of unsatisfied
hunger.”[161]
When to this were added the effusions of men like Spratt, we can
scarcely realize, that this was from the State which had produced
Robert Barnwell, Joseph Alston, William Lowndes and Robert Y. Hayne.
In the minority report, however, of an adopted son, J. Johnston
Pettigrew, who six years later fell with honor and renown, high
in rank, in the retreat from Gettysburg, the State found better
representation; while the brilliant Hammond, who had averred that
he: “endorsed without reserve the much abused sentiment of Governor
McDuffie, that ‘slavery is the corner-stone of our republican
edifice’;” nevertheless also had declared, in his controversy with
Clarkson: “I might say, that I am no more in favor of slavery in the
abstract, than I am of poverty, disease, deformity, idiocy or any other
inequality of the human family; that I love perfection and I think I
should enjoy a millennium such as God has promised.”[162]
It was not then that men like Hammond, Adams and Robert G. Harper, of
Georgia, were blind to the abuses of slavery, for Adams, the advocate
of the re-opening of the slave trade, had in his message to the General
Assembly of South Carolina only the year before declared:
“The administration of our laws in relation to our colored population
by our Courts of magistrates and free holders, as these Courts are
at present constituted, calls loudly for reform. Their decisions
are rarely in conformity with justice or humanity. I have felt
constrained, in a majority of the cases brought to my notice, either
to modify the sentence, or set it aside altogether.”[163]
Yet Governor Adams was willing to risk the frightful increase of
such recognized evils, by the flooding of the South with a host of
barbarians fresh from the jungles of Africa.
But against this, Harper, of Georgia, was a tower of strength.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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