The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
I retort that the question is wrongly put. The citizen gives his
consent to all the laws, including those which are passed in spite of
his opposition, and even those which punish him when he dares to break
any of them. The constant will of all the members of the State is the
general will; by virtue of it they are citizens and free.[2] When in
the popular assembly a law is proposed, what the people is asked is not
exactly whether it approves or rejects the proposal, but whether it is
in conformity with the general will, which is their will. Each man, in
giving his vote, states his opinion on that point; and the general will
is found by counting votes. When therefore the opinion that is contrary
to my own prevails, this proves neither more nor less than that I was
mistaken, and that what I thought to be the general will was not so. If
my particular opinion had carried the day I should have achieved the
opposite of what was my will and it is in that case that I should not
have been free.
This presupposes, indeed, that all the qualities of the general will
still reside in the majority: when they cease to do so, whatever side a
man may take, liberty is no longer possible.
In my earlier demonstration of how particular wills are substituted
for the general will in public deliberation, I have adequately pointed
out the practicable methods of avoiding this abuse; and I shall have
more to say of them later on. I have also given the principles for
determining the proportional number of votes for declaring that will.
A difference of one vote destroys equality; a single opponent destroys
unanimity; but between equality and unanimity, there are several grades
of unequal division, at each of which this proportion may be fixed in
accordance with the condition and the needs of the body politic.
There are two general rules that may serve to regulate this relation.
First, the more grave and important the questions discussed, the nearer
should the opinion that is to prevail approach unanimity. Secondly, the
more the matter in hand calls for speed, the smaller the prescribed
difference in the numbers of votes may be allowed to become: where an
instant decision has to be reached, a majority of one vote should be
enough. The first of these two rules seems more in harmony with the
laws, and the second with practical affairs. In any case, it is the
combination of them that gives the best proportions for determining the
majority necessary.
[1] This should of course be understood as applying to a free State;
for elsewhere family, goods, lack of a refuge, necessity, or violence
may detain a man in a country against his will; and then his dwelling
there no longer by itself implies his consent to the contract or to its
violation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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