The social contract & discoursesRousseau, Jean-Jacques
Philosophy
The social contract & discourses
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques
Economics; Political science -- Early works to 1800; Social contract
For the same reason, industry would have nothing to suffer from an
economic system which increased the revenue, encouraged agriculture by
relieving the husbandman, and insensibly tended to bring all fortunes
nearer to that middle condition which constitutes the genuine strength
of the State. These taxes might, I admit, bring certain fashionable
articles of dress and amusement to an untimely end; but it would be
only to substitute others, by which the artificer would gain, and the
exchequer suffer no loss. In a word, suppose the spirit of government
was constantly to tax only the superfluities of the rich, one of two
things must happen: either the rich would convert their superfluous
expenses into useful ones, which would redound to the profit of the
State, and thus the imposition of taxes would have the effect of the
best sumptuary laws, the expenses of the State would necessarily
diminish with those of individuals, and the treasury would not receive
so much less as it would gain by having less to pay; or, if the
rich did not become less extravagant, the exchequer would have such
resources in the product of taxes on their expenditure as would provide
for the needs of the State. In the first case the treasury would be
the richer by what it would save, from having the less to do with its
money; and in the second, it would be enriched by the useless expenses
of individuals.
We may add to all this a very important distinction in matters of
political right, to which governments, constantly tenacious of doing
everything for themselves, ought to pay great attention. It has been
observed that personal taxes and duties on the necessaries of life, as
they directly trespass on the right of property, and consequently on
the true foundation of political society, are always liable to have
dangerous results, if they are not established with the express consent
of the people or its representatives. It is not the same with articles
the use of which we can deny ourselves; for as the individual is under
no absolute necessity to pay, his contribution may count as voluntary.
The particular consent of each contributor then takes the place of the
general consent of the whole people: for why should a people oppose the
imposition of a tax which falls only on those who desire to pay it? It
appears to me certain that everything, which is not proscribed by law,
or contrary to morality, and yet may be prohibited by the government,
may also be permitted on payment of a certain duty. Thus, for example,
if the government may prohibit the use of coaches, it may certainly
impose a tax on them; and this is a prudent and useful method of
censuring their use without absolutely forbidding it. In this case, the
tax may be regarded as a sort of fine, the product of which compensates
for the abuse it punishes.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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