While the moralist and philanthropist cheerfully recognizes the fact that “God hath made of one blood all nations of men” yet the statesman in legislating for a political society that embraces two distinct, and in some measure, antagonistic races, in the great body of its electors, must, as far as the law of equal rights will permit, take cognizance of existing prejudices among both. In school districts, where the white children may be preponderate in numbers, the colored children may be oppressed, or partially excluded from the schools, while the same result may accrue to the whites, in those districts where colored children are in the majority, _unless they shall be separated by law as herein recommended_. [Emphasis _supplied_.] South Carolina’s legislature adopted Governor Scott’s recommendation. A Massachusetts Negro became State Superintendent of Public Instruction; and he presided over the establishment of a system of segregated schools. A reconstructed legislature in _Texas_ ratified the Fourteenth Amendment in February 1870. The same legislature provided for public schools to be operated by trustees who “may make any separation of the students or schools necessary to insure success.” Segregated schools were made mandatory in Texas by the Constitution of 1876. Finally, _Virginia_. The Old Dominion’s first legislature under the Reconstruction Constitution of 1869 ratified the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal Constitution, and then adjourned until the State’s representatives were readmitted to Congress. Then the same legislature reconvened and promptly enacted a statute providing for a system of free schools under a requirement that “white and colored persons shall not be taught in the same schools, but in separate schools.” What does all this add up to? Simply this: There were thirty-seven States whose “understandings” and “contemplations” of the Fourteenth Amendment at the time of its ratification must be sought. In fourteen of these States (twelve non-Southern States plus Florida and Louisiana), no substantial evidence can be adduced one way or another. In twenty-three of these States (fourteen non-Southern States and nine Southern States), positive evidence exists to show that ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment was never thought to prohibit the operation of racially separate schools. The very legislative bodies that ratified the amendment simultaneously provided for separate schools. In not a single one of the thirty-seven States is there any substantial evidence--or even any flimsy evidence--to show affirmatively that the legislatures that considered the Fourteenth Amendment believed, understood, or contemplated that the amendment in and of itself, would prohibit school segregation.