The Southern Case for School SegregationKilpatrick, James Jackson
History
The Southern Case for School Segregation
Kilpatrick, James Jackson
African Americans -- Segregation; Segregation -- Southern States
Dr. Conant is a distinguished spokesman for liberalism, but unlike
most of his fastidious brethren, he came to the slums, and smelled
them, and began to see realities fair and clear. What he has to say
about Negro education merits a sober hearing. He is convinced that
it is wrong to insist upon a curriculum completely unsuited to the
needs of the children required to take it: “Foreign languages in
Grade 7 or algebra in Grade 8 ... have little place in a school in
which half the pupils in that grade read at the fourth-grade level
or below. Homework has little relevance in a situation where home is
a filthy, noisy tenement.” By the same token, it may be suggested
that in the rural South, school offerings ought to be adapted to real
life also; and though Dr. Conant is a staunch opponent of school
segregation as such--that is, to the assignment of pupils to schools
solely by reason of their race--he sees no reason why satisfactory
education cannot be provided in all Negro schools. Arbitrarily to
shift children around, simply to satisfy sociological theories of
an ideal race-mixture, impressed Dr. Conant as wrong. This approach
treats children “as though they were pawns on a chessboard.”
But these children, white and black, are not mere pawns on
a chessboard, and whatever the sins or submissions of their
great-grandfathers may have been, they merit consideration in their
own right. In the South, this consideration steadily is being
extended. If we of the South cannot turn the clock back to 1868,
when the Fourteenth Amendment was ratified, at least we can strive
to turn the clock back to 1896, when the doctrine of separate but
equal school facilities received a sort of casual endorsement from
a Supreme Court concerned primarily with a question of public
transportation. True, the apostles of the Brave New World will
denounce the idea of applying the constitutional principles of 1896
to problems of the early 1960s, but there have been entirely too many
such denunciations from thoughtless and ill-informed pedagogues.
The Negro (precisely as the white) is entitled, so far as a system
of education is concerned, to the same educational opportunities
afforded his white counterpart, and neither more nor less. What he
does with these educational opportunities thereafter is his question
to answer.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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