The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. I., No. 4, December, 1834Various
History
The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. I., No. 4, December, 1834
Various
American literature -- 19th century -- Periodicals
Not only is this true in reference to us as well as to the kings of the
earth, but it is more emphatically true of us than of them. Whatever be
their theory of sovereignty, and however they may prate about _divine
right_, they all know, and feel, that, after all, they are but _kings
by sufferance_. They may talk of absolute sovereignty, and claim for
government that sort of _omnipotence_ which is said to reside in the
British parliament. But, after all, they know and feel, that there is
much they cannot do, because there is much they dare not do. The course
of events now passing in England is full of proof of this. We have just
seen that same omnipotent parliament, new-modelling itself to suit the
wishes of the people. This act indeed, was itself an exertion of this
pretended omnipotence, but wisely and discreetly exercised, in
surrendering power. It was certainly done with a very bad grace; and at
this moment we see that body anxiously watching the temper of the
multitude, and adapting its measures, not to the views of its members,
not even to the views of the constituent body, but to the real or
supposed interests of the great unrepresented mass. Such is the check,
which in spite of all positive institutions, the physical force of
numbers, however degraded, and, professedly, disregarded, must exercise
over their rulers; and in this check, they find a motive to justice,
forbearance, and circumspection, which, in a measure, restrains the
abuse of power.
But may not we, the sovereign citizens of these states, abuse power
too? When men are numerous and "strong enough to set their duties at
defiance, do they cease to be duties any longer?" Does that which would
be unjust as the act of ninety-nine, become just, as being the act of
an hundred? Is it in the power of numbers to alter the nature of
things, and to justify oppression, though it should fall on the head of
only one victim? It would be easy to point to instances in which we all
believe that majorities have done great wrong; and that under such
wrongs we have suffered and are still suffering we all know. But where
is the check on such abuse of power? Constitutional authority and
physical force are both on the same side, and if the _wisdom_ and
_justice_ of those who wield both does not freely afford redress, there
arc no means of enforcing it. "There is no sanction to any contract
against the will of prevalent power."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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