The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. I., No. 8, April, 1835Various
General
The Southern Literary Messenger, Vol. I., No. 8, April, 1835
Various
American literature -- 19th century -- Periodicals
The event by which the union was still more seriously threatened, has
been too recent for me to say much of it on the present occasion. Yet
I may be permitted to remark, without opening wounds hardly yet
cicatrized, that both those who apprehend disunion and those who dread
consolidation may draw salutary lessons from that event; and that each
party may, by a course of imprudence, promote the very evil of which
it is most apprehensive. I will add, that it affords additional
evidence of the strength of the ligaments which bind us together, for
if those who felt themselves aggrieved by the general government, had
been less sensible of the _value_--of the _necessity_ of the
union--then the master pilot,[7] who at the critical moment seized the
helm, and steered the ship of state through the breakers that
threatened her on either side, had interposed his consummate skill in
vain.
[Footnote 7: Henry Clay, who was thus thrice mainly instrumental in
giving peace to his country.]
But when it is considered that the continuance of the union is
indispensable to our peace, prosperity, and civil liberty--that on it
rest our hopes of national greatness, it would hardly seem consistent
with prudence to rely altogether on the natural securities I have
mentioned. We should also sedulously guard against whatever may tend
to weaken our attachment to it; and should therefore confine the
functions of the general government to those objects which are most
indispensable to the prosperity of the whole, and to which the powers
of the separate governments are incompetent. And while it should
exercise no power which was not clearly beneficial, as well as
constitutional, it should forbear to exercise such powers as come
under this description, when they may prove sources of discontent, or
of collision with local feelings and interests. The advantages of such
a course will be to give the federal government greater efficacy in
the execution of its remaining powers, and especially in our foreign
concerns; and it will afford us the best security, not only against
disunion, but the opposite danger of consolidation. The continuance of
our present complex system of government--the only one in which the
highest degree of civil liberty can be reconciled with the greatest
extent of territory--depends on its maintaining a just equipoise
between the general government and the governments of the separate
states; and that equipoise may be disturbed no less by enlarging the
capacity of conferring favors than that of doing mischief--of
appealing to the hopes no less than to the fears of the community.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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