The Sovereignty of the Sea: An Historical Account of the Claims of England to the Dominion of the British Seas, and of the Evolution of the Territorial WatersFulton, Thomas Wemyss
History
The Sovereignty of the Sea: An Historical Account of the Claims of England to the Dominion of the British Seas, and of the Evolution of the Territorial Waters
Fulton, Thomas Wemyss
Fisheries -- Great Britain; Great Britain. Royal Navy -- History; Sea-power; Territorial waters -- Great Britain -- History
On the 3rd November 1640 the Long Parliament commenced its sittings
at Westminster, and within two years thereafter--on 22nd August
1642--Charles raised the royal standard at Nottingham, and initiated
the great Civil War. During the period of strife little was heard
of the claim to the sovereignty of the sea, although the Parliament
continued to issue the usual instructions to the naval commanders to
compel homage to the flag. But under the Commonwealth and Protectorate
the English pretensions were carried to as high a pitch as ever they
were under the Stuarts. The stern men who then guided the destinies
of England were as jealous of the symbols of the nation’s greatness
as had been the vacillating king they destroyed. In particular, the
salutation of the flag was enforced with great vigour. A dispute on the
point between Tromp and Blake occasioned the first Dutch war, and the
result proved to the world that after all England possessed the actual
dominion of the sea by reason of her naval power. In the negotiations
with the Dutch which preceded the treaty of peace, we shall find that
Cromwell put in the forefront of his conditions the recognition of
England’s right to the herring fishery, and to the striking of the flag
within the British seas.
At first, as might have been expected from the actions of the king
with regard to the ship-money collections, little sympathy was shown
by the Parliament for the claim to the sovereignty of the sea. The
necessity of maintaining that sovereignty had always been put forward
as a principal argument for levying the money, and on that ground it
was objectionable to many of those opposed to the king. In a work said
to have been presented to the Parliament at its first meeting, forcible
opinions were expressed against the pretension. It was doubtful, it
was said, whether the sea really belonged to the crown, as the king
claimed. Even if it did, it was not apparent that the fate of the
land depended upon the dominion of the sea. That dominion might be
considered as a right, an honour, or a profit. As a right it was a
theme “fitter for scholars to fret their wits upon than for Christians
to fight and spill blood about”; as an honour, by making others strike
sails to our ships as they passed, it was “a glory fitter for women
and children to wonder at than for statesmen to contend about”; as a
matter of profit, to fence and enclose the sea, it was of moment, but
not more to us than to other nations: by too insolent contentions about
it we might provoke God and dishonour ourselves, and rather incense our
friends than quell our enemies.[680] If such sentiments reflected the
feeling of the Parliament at the beginning of their labours, they were
not of long duration. Within a few years a change was wrought, which
was probably in large measure due to the part taken by the fleet in the
struggle with the king, as well as to the abiding spirit of the people
for predominant power on the sea.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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