The Sovereignty of the Sea: An Historical Account of the Claims of England to the Dominion of the British Seas, and of the Evolution of the Territorial WatersFulton, Thomas Wemyss
History
The Sovereignty of the Sea: An Historical Account of the Claims of England to the Dominion of the British Seas, and of the Evolution of the Territorial Waters
Fulton, Thomas Wemyss
Fisheries -- Great Britain; Great Britain. Royal Navy -- History; Sea-power; Territorial waters -- Great Britain -- History
and the opposite coasts of Norway and Denmark, “at least to the
mid-sea,” and so to the southwards “half seas over” between the east
coast of England and the coasts of Denmark, Friesland, and Holland, to
the Straits of Dover.
Within the British seas as thus defined, Dee claimed that the crown
of England had first of all sovereign jurisdiction, over foreigners
as well as over subjects,[189] and part of the duty of the Petty
Navy Royal--which, as stated, was to be maintained by taxing foreign
fishermen--was to guard and protect foreign ships passing through our
seas. This doctrine he based upon the law as laid down by the Italian
jurists. Nor did he forget the purely naval side. Quoting the old
proverb, “A sword keepeth peace,” he argued that the presence of a
fleet such as he suggested would cause other nations to respect us more
than they did, and enable us to enjoy the royalty and sovereignty of
the narrow seas and of our other seas better than the possession of
Calais and Boulogne could do.
Dee’s work was premature. His proposals that Elizabeth should tax
foreigners for fishing in the British seas and exercise jurisdiction
over foreign vessels passing through them remained as much a dream
as the scheme of Hitchcock.[190] It need not be supposed that such
measures as Dee proposed were intrinsically distasteful either to
the Queen or to Cecil. If a navy could have been acquired so easily,
or a much less sum than £100,000 gathered from foreign fishermen in
a “friendly” way, as Dee supposed, neither the sovereign nor the
statesman was likely to let the chance go by. But they knew better than
the philosopher, or than the Stuarts in the next century, that a policy
of the kind would involve them in difficulties with other Powers,--with
France and Spain as well as with the Protestant Netherlands.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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