The State: Its History and Development Viewed SociologicallyOppenheimer, Franz
History
The State: Its History and Development Viewed Sociologically
Oppenheimer, Franz
State, The
So long as the ownership of great estates is comparatively limited, the
primitive principle of the bee-keeper, allowing his peasants barely
enough for subsistence, can be carried out. When, however, these
expand into territorial dimensions, and include, as is regularly the
case, accretions of land which are the results of successful warfare,
or by the relinquishment and subinfeudation through heritage or
political marriages of smaller land owners, scattered widely about the
country and far from the master’s original domains, then the policy
of the bee-keeper can no longer be carried out. Unless, therefore,
the territorial magnate means to keep in his pay an immense mass of
overseers, which would be both expensive and politically unwise, he
would have to impose on his peasants some fixed tribute, partly rental
and partly tax. The economic need of an administrative reform unites,
therefore, with the political necessity, to elevate the “plebs,” in
the way which has already been discussed.
The more the territorial magnate ceases to be a private landlord,
the more exclusively he tends to become a subject of public law,
viz., prince of a territory, the more the solidarity mentioned above,
between prince and people grows. We saw that some few magnates even
as far back as the period of transition from great landed estates to
principalities, found it to their greatest interest to carry on a
“mild” government. This accomplished the result, not only of educating
their plebs to a more virile consciousness toward the state, but also
had the effect of making it easy for the few remaining common freemen
to give up their political rights in return for protection; while it
was still more important, in that it deprived their neighbors and
rivals of their precious human material. When the territorial prince
has finally reached complete _de facto_ independence, his self interest
must prompt him steadfastly to persevere in the path thus begun. Should
he, however, again invest his bailiffs or officers with lands and
peasants, he will still have the most pressing political interest to
see to it that his subjects are not delivered over to them without
restraint. In order to retain his control, the prince will limit the
right of the “knights” to incomes from lands to definite payments in
kind and limited forced labor, reserving to himself that required in
the public interests, such as forced labor on highways or on bridges.
We shall soon come to see that the circumstance that in all developed
feudal states the peasants have at least two masters claiming service,
is decisive for their later rise.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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