The State: Its History and Development Viewed SociologicallyOppenheimer, Franz
History
The State: Its History and Development Viewed Sociologically
Oppenheimer, Franz
State, The
As a rule, the cities take the part of the crown in fights against
the feudal nobles, from social reasons, because the landed nobles
refuse to recognize the social equality, demanded as of right by
their more wealthy citizens; from political reasons, because the
central government, thanks to the solidarity between prince and
people, is more apt to be influenced by common interests than is
the territorial magnate, who serves only his private interests; and
finally from economic reasons, because city life can prosper only in
peace and safety. The practises of chivalry, such as club law, and
private warfare, and the knights’ practise of looting caravans are
irreconcilable with the economic means; and therefore, the cities are
faithful allies of the guardians of peace and justice, first to the
emperor, later on, to the sovereign territorial prince; and when the
armed citizenship breaks and pillages some robber baron’s fortress,
the tiny drop reflects the identical process happening in the ocean of
history.
In order successfully to carry this political rôle the city must
attract as many citizens as possible, an endeavor also forced on it
by purely economic considerations, since both divisions of labor and
wealth increase with increased citizenship. Therefore cities favor
immigration with all their powers; and once more show in this the polar
contrast of their essential difference from the feudal landlords. The
new citizens thus attracted into the cities are withdrawn from the
feudal estates, which are thereby weakened in power of taxation and
military defense in proportion as the cities are strengthened. The
city becomes a mighty competitor at the auction, wherein the serf is
knocked down to the highest bidder, to the one, that is to say, who
offers the most rights. The city offers the peasant _complete liberty_,
and in some cases house and courtyard. The principle, “city air frees
the peasant” is successfully fought out; and the central government,
pleased to strengthen the cities and to weaken the turbulent nobles,
usually confirms by charter the newly acquired rights.
_The third great move in the progress of universal history is to be
seen in the discovery of the honor of free labor_; or better in its
rediscovery, it having been lost sight of since those far-off times in
which the free huntsman and the subjugated primitive tiller enjoyed
the results of their labor. As yet the peasant bears the mark of the
pariah and his rights are little respected. But in the wall-girt,
well-defended city, the citizen holds his head high. He is a freeman in
every sense of the word, free even at law, since we find in the grants
of rights to many early enfranchised cities (_Ville-franche_) the
provision that a serf residing therein “a year and a day” undisturbed
by his master’s claim is to be deemed free.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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