The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
When in 1770 the Parliament of Paris was broken, the magistrates who
belonged to it submitted to the loss of their profession and their
power without a single instance of any individual yielding to the will
of the sovereign. Nay, more, some Courts of a different kind, such as
the Court of Aids, which were neither affected nor menaced, voluntarily
exposed themselves to the same harsh treatment, when that treatment had
become certain. Nor is this all: the leading advocates who practised
before the Parliament resolved of their own accord to share its
fortune; they renounced all that made their glory and their wealth, and
condemned themselves to silence rather than appear before dishonoured
judges. I know of nothing in the history of free nations grander than
what occurred on this occasion, and yet this happened in the eighteenth
century, hard by the court of Louis XV.
The habits of the French Courts of justice had become in many respects
the habits of the nation. The Courts of justice had given birth to the
notion that every question was open to discussion and every decision
subject to appeal, and likewise to the use of publicity, and to a taste
for forms of proceeding--things adverse to servitude: this was the
only part of the education of a free people which the institutions of
the old monarchy had given to France. The administration itself had
borrowed largely from the language and the practice of the Courts.
The King considered himself obliged to assign motives for his edicts,
and to state his reasons before he drew the conclusion; the Council
of State caused its orders to be preceded by long preambles; the
Intendants promulgated their ordinances in the forms of judicial
procedure. In all the administrative bodies of any antiquity, such,
for example, as the body of the Treasurers of France or that of the
_élus_ (who assessed the _taille_), the cases were publicly debated
and decided after argument at the bar. All these usages, all these
formalities, were so many barriers to the arbitrary power of the
sovereign.
The people alone, applying that term to the lower orders of society,
and especially the people of the rural districts, were almost always
unable to offer any resistance to oppression except by violence.
Most of the means of defence which I have here passed in review were,
in fact, beyond their reach; to employ those means, a place in society
where they could be seen, or a voice loud enough to make itself heard,
was requisite; But above the ranks of the lower orders there was not
a man in France who, if he had the courage, might not contest his
obedience and resist in giving way.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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