The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
The Government and the Ministers of the Crown looked, however, with an
unfavourable eye on these provincial liberties. Richelieu had first
mutilated and afterwards abolished them. The spiritless and indolent
Louis XIII., who loved nothing, detested them; the horror he felt for
all provincial privileges was such, said Boulainvilliers, that his
anger was excited by the mere name of them. It is hard to sound the
hatred of feeble souls for whatever compels them to exert themselves.
All that they retain of manhood is turned in that direction, and they
exhibit strength in their animosity, however weak they may be in
everything else. Fortunately the ancient constitution of Languedoc was
restored under the minority of Louis XIV., who consequently respected
it as his own work. Louis XV. suspended it for a couple of years, but
afterwards allowed it to go on.
The creation of municipal offices for sale exposed the constitution
of the province to dangers less direct, but not less formidable.
That pernicious institution not only destroyed the constitution of
the towns; it tended to vitiate that of the provinces. I know not
whether the deputies of the commons in the Provincial Assemblies had
ever been elected _ad hoc_, but at any rate they had long ceased to
be so; the municipal officers of the towns were _ex officio_ the sole
representatives of the burgesses and the people in those bodies.
This absence of a direct constituency acting with reference to the
affairs of the day was but little remarked as long as the towns freely
elected their own magistrates by universal suffrage, and generally
for a very limited period. Thus the mayor, the council, or the syndic
represented the wishes of the population in the Hall of the Estates as
faithfully as if they had been elected by their fellow-citizens for
that purpose. But very different was the case with a civic officer
who had purchased for money the right of governing. Such an officer
represented no one but himself, or, at best, the petty interests
or the petty passions of his own coterie. Yet this magistrate by
contract retained the powers which had been exercised by his elected
predecessors. The character of the institution was, therefore,
immediately changed. The nobles and the clergy, instead of having
the representatives of the people sitting with them or opposite to
them in the Provincial Assembly, met there none but a few isolated,
timid, and powerless burgesses, and thus the commons occupied a more
subordinate place in the government at the very time when they were
every day becoming richer and stronger in society. This was not the
case in Languedoc, the province having always taken care to buy up
these offices as fast as they were established by the Crown. The loan
contracted by the States for this purpose, in the year 1773 only,
amounted to more than four millions of livres.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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