The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
Nothing contributes more to the maintenance of despotism than the
division and mutual rivalry of classes. Absolute power lives on them:
on condition, however, that these divisions are confined to a pacific
bitterness, that men envy their neighbours without excessive hatred,
and that these classes, though separated, are not in arms. But every
Government must perish in the midst of a violent collision of classes,
when once they have begun to make war on each other.
No doubt, it was very late in the day to seek to maintain the old
constitution of the States-General, even if it were reformed. But this
resolution, however rash, was supported by the law of the land, which
had still some authority. The Government had tradition in its favour,
and still had its hand upon the instrument of the law. If the double
number of the commons and the vote of the three Orders in common had
been conceded at once, no doubt a revolution would have been made,
but it would have been made by the Crown, which by pulling down these
old institutions itself might have deadened their fall. The upper
classes must have submitted to an inevitable necessity. Borne in by the
pressure of the Crown, simultaneously with that of the commons, they
would at once have acknowledged their inability to resist. Despairing
of their own ascendency, they would only have contended for equal
rights, and would have learnt the lesson of fighting to save something,
instead of fighting to retain everything.
Would it not have been possible to do throughout France what was
actually done by the Three Orders in Dauphiny? In that province the
Provincial Estates chose, by a general vote, the representatives of
the Three Orders to the States-General. Each Order in the provincial
State had been elected separately and stood for itself alone; but all
the Orders combined to name the deputies to the States-General, so that
every noble had commoners among his constituents, and every commoner
nobles. The three representations, though remaining distinct, thus
acquired a certain resemblance. Could not the same thing have been done
elsewhere than in Dauphiny? If the Orders had been constituted in this
manner, might they not have co-existed in a single Assembly without
coming to a violent collision?
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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