In perusing the Instructions of the nobility, the reader cannot fail to be struck, more than all, with the conviction that the nobles are so essentially of their own time. They have all the feelings of the day, and employ its language with perfect fluency; they talk of ‘the inalienable rights of man’ and ‘the principles inherent to the social compact.’ In matters appertaining to the individual, they generally look to his rights--in those appertaining to society, to its duties. The principles of their political opinions appear to them _as absolute as those of morality, both one and the other being based upon reason_. In expressing their desire to abolish the last remnants of serfdom, they talk of _effacing the last traces of the degradation of the human race_. They sometimes denominate Louis XVI. the ‘Citizen-King,’ and frequently speak of that crime of _lèse-nation_ (treason to the nation), which afterwards was so frequently imputed to themselves. In their opinion, as in that of every one else, everything was to be expected from the results of public education, which the States were to direct. ‘_The States-General_,’ says one of the _Cahiers_, ‘_must take care to inspire a national character by alterations in the education of children_.’ Like the rest of their contemporaries, they show a lively and constant desire for uniformity in the legislation, excepting, however, in all that affected the existence of ranks. They are as desirous as the _Tiers-État_ of administrative uniformity--uniformity of measures, &c. They point out all kinds of reforms, and expect that these reforms should be radical. According to their suggestions, all the taxes, without exception, should be abolished or transferred, and the whole judicial system changed, except in the case of the Seignorial Courts of Justice, which they considered only to need improvement. They, as well as all the other French, looked upon France as a field for experiment--a sort of political model-farm, in which every portion was to be turned up and every experiment tried, except in one special little corner, where their own privileges blossomed. It must be said to their honour, however, that even this was but little spared by them. In short, as may be seen by reading their memorials, all the nobles wanted in order to make the Revolution was that they should be plebeians. Note (XLV.)--Page 97, line 2. SPECIMEN OF THE RELIGIOUS GOVERNMENT OF AN ECCLESIASTICAL PROVINCE IN THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1. The Archbishop. 2. Seven Vicars-General. 3. Two Ecclesiastical Courts, denominated _Officialités_. One, called the Metropolitan _Officialité_, took cognisance of the judgments of the suffragans. The other, called the _Officialité_ of the Diocess, took cognisance (1) of personal affairs between clerical men; (2) of the validity of marriages, as regarded the performance of the ceremony. This latter court was composed of three judges, to whom were adjoined notaries and attorneys.