The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That EventTocqueville, Alexis de
History
The State of Society in France Before the Revolution of 1789: And the Causes Which Led to That Event
Tocqueville, Alexis de
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Causes
As the financial embarrassments of the State increased, new offices
sprang up, all of which were remunerated by exemptions from taxation
and by privileges; and as these offices were produced by the wants of
the Treasury, not of the administration, the result was the creation
of an almost incredible number of employments which were altogether
superfluous or mischievous.[48] As early as 1664, upon an inquiry
instituted by Colbert, it was found that the capital invested in this
wretched property amounted to nearly five hundred millions of livres.
Richelieu had suppressed, it was said, a hundred thousand offices:
but they cropped out again under other names.[49] For a little money
the State renounced the right of directing, of controlling, and of
compelling its own agents. An administrative engine was thus gradually
built up so vast, so complicated, so clumsy, and so unproductive, that
it came at last to be left swinging on in space, whilst a more simple
and handy instrument of government was framed beside it, which really
performed the duties these innumerable public officers were supposed to
be doing.
It is clear that none of these pernicious institutions could have
subsisted for twenty years if they could have been brought under
discussion. None of them would have been established or aggravated if
the Estates had been consulted, or if their remonstrances had been
listened to when by chance they were still called together. Rarely as
the States-General were convoked in the last ages of the monarchy, they
never ceased to protest against these abuses. On several occasions
these assemblies pointed out as the origin of all these evils the power
of arbitrarily levying taxes which had been arrogated by the King,
or, to borrow the identical terms employed by the energetic language
of the fifteenth century, ‘the right of enriching himself from the
substance of the people without the consent and deliberation of the
Three Estates.’ Nor did they confine themselves to their own rights
alone; they demanded with energy, and frequently they obtained, greater
deference to the rights of the provinces and towns. In every session
some voices were raised in those bodies against the inequality of the
public burdens. They frequently demanded the abolition of the system of
close guilds; they attacked with increasing vigour in each successive
age the venality of public employments. ‘He who sells office sells
justice, which is infamous,’ was their language. When that venality was
established, they still complained of the abusive creation of offices.
They denounced so many useless places and dangerous privileges, but
always in vain. Three institutions had been previously established
against themselves; they had originated in the desire not to convoke
these assemblies, and in the necessity of disguising from the French
nation the taxation which it was unsafe to exhibit in its real aspect.
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