After the great Mutiny, the disturbed districts soon settled down
to their normal calm. Discontent, if still existing, was concealed
with Asiatic astuteness. The justice of our rule was evident, even if
antagonistic to natural prejudices and antipathies. The extension of
railways rendered rapid concentration of troops more possible, and the
great increase in the permanent establishment of European troops soon
impressed the native mind with the futility, for the time at least, of
any further effort to upset the British rule.
The danger to which India was to be exposed for the future was more
external than internal, more political than domestic. The natural
extension of the Empire had brought it into intimate connection with
semi-savage peoples on the one hand, and, what was of more serious
importance, had, through the rapid absorption by Russia of the Central
Asian khanates, brought the frontiers of two mighty Empires within
striking distance. Hence the military history of India since the Mutiny
is composed of small punitive expeditions against the mountain tribes
of the Himmaleyehs and Hindu Koosh, or political campaigns such as that
in Afghanistan.
Many of the former are too unimportant to mention, and reference will
therefore be confined to those for which medals or clasps have been
given, or whose names are borne upon the colours. But all spring from
the same source. It is the contest, as old as the hills themselves,
between the people of the mountains and those of the plain. To the
former, rapine and plunder is a profitable pastime, and war an
agreeable change. Like the Scottish Highlander of the time of “Roderick
Dhu,” who looked on the Saxon or Lowlander as justifiable prey, and
to whom to “spoil the Egyptians” was not merely right, but laudable,
so all hill-tribe peoples feel with regard to the Lowlanders. Their
own land provides little even of bare necessaries, still less of
common luxuries. In many cases their condition necessitates, in their
eyes, raids for slaves or wives; in all they know they will long
enjoy comparative immunity from unpleasant consequences, provided
their hostile acts are not too pronounced. They are aware, as are the
military police and the government of the more peaceful districts,
that to punish minor acts of theft is a costly, though rarely a
dangerous, proceeding. Emboldened by immunity, and forgetful of past
punishment, they grow bolder and bolder, until at length the patience
of the other side is exhausted, and a second or a third punitive
expedition is despatched. Even when, after such a one, superficial
peace is established, the presence of foreign Residents, to see that
that peace is kept, is often a constant source of danger. Some patriot
more zealous or hyper-sensitive to the presence of the foreigner--all
the more if he be a “Feringhi”--than the rest resents this apparent
vassalage, and carries his resentment to its natural end with people
whose fighting instincts are still strong.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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