Switzerland; Switzerland -- Politics and government -- 1815-
The history of the Referendum in Switzerland confirms the fact that,
as a rule, the people are not favorable to legislation; and that
the necessity must be very great and the good ends aimed at very
manifest, to withstand a direct consultation of the constituencies.
The ancient republics hardly legislated at all. Their democratic
energy was expended upon war, diplomacy, and justice; putting nearly
insuperable obstacles in the way of a change of law. From fundamental
and permanent causes springs this legislative infertility in republics.
Changes are at once conservative and progressive; conservative because
progressive, progressive because conservative. The Referendum reserves
to the people, as the old Swiss expression ran, _höchste und grösste
Gewalt_, the highest and greatest power. The foremost statesman in
Switzerland, a member at present of the Federal Council,[54] calls it
_l’essai le plus grandiose qu’une République ait jamais tenté_, the
grandest attempt ever made by a republic. The constitutional provision
that when a certain number of voters demand a particular measure, or
require a further sanction for a particular enactment, it shall be put
to the vote of the whole country, certainly presents a considerable
future before democratically governed societies. Peradventure the
United States may realize the prophecy made by Mr. Labouchère in the
House of Commons, in 1882, that the people, tired of the deluge of
debate, would some day substitute for it the direct consultation of the
constituencies.
The Referendum is practically in use in the United States for
constitutional amendments, but so far American publicists seem to
regard it quite out of place for ordinary laws, and allege that its
introduction would obscure the distinction on which the whole American
system rests. For this reason the growing tendency of the people, in
the several States, to take a direct part in legislation, even by
means of constitutional amendments, is regarded by the same school of
thinkers as a danger, which, if it goes too far, will be a serious
injury to the American theory of government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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