The Sword of Honor; or, The Foundation of the French Republic: A Tale of The French RevolutionSue, Eugène
History
The Sword of Honor; or, The Foundation of the French Republic: A Tale of The French Revolution
Sue, Eugène
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799 -- Fiction
"The general council of the Commune, far from exciting the events of
September, did its levellest to prevent them. In order to form a just
idea of these occurrences, one must seek for truth not alone in
calumnious orations in which they are distorted, but in the history of
the Revolution. If you have the idea that the mental impulse given by
the insurrection of August 10 had not entirely subsided by the beginning
of September, you are mistaken. There is not a single likeness between
the two periods....
"The greatest conspirators of August 10 were withdrawn from the wrath of
the victorious people, who had consented to place them in the hands of a
new tribunal. Nevertheless, after judging three or four minor criminals,
the tribunal rested. Montmorin was acquitted, the Prince of Poix and
other conspirators of like importance were fraudulently set free. Vast
impositions of this character were coming to light, new proofs of the
conspiracy of the court were developing daily. Nearly all the patriots
wounded at the Tuileries died in the arms of their brother Parisians.
Indignation was smouldering in all hearts. A new cause burst it into
flame. Many citizens had believed that the 10th of August would break
the thread of the royalist conspiracies, they considered the war closed.
Suddenly the news of the taking of Longwy hurtled through Paris; Verdun
had been given up, Brunswick with his army was headed for Paris. No
fortified place interposed between us and our enemies. Our army,
divided, almost ruined by the treasons of Lafayette, was lacking in
everything. Arms had to be found, camp equipments, provisions, men. The
Executive Council dissimulated neither its fears nor embarrassment.
Danton appeared before the Assembly, graphically pictured to it its
perils and resources, and besought it to take vigorous measures. He went
to the City Hall, rang the alarm bell, fired the guns, and declared the
country in danger. In an instant forty thousand men, armed and equipped,
were on the march to Chalons. In the midst of this universal enthusiasm
the approach of the out-land armies reawakened in every breast
sentiments of indignation and vengeance against the traitors who had
beckoned in the enemy. Before leaving their wives and children, the
citizens, the vanquishers of the Tuileries, desired the punishment of
the conspirators, which had been promised them. They ran to the prisons.
Could the magistrates halt the people! for it was a movement of the
people; not, as some have ridiculously supposed, a fragmentary sedition
of a few rascals paid to assassinate their fellows. The Commune, they
say, should have proclaimed martial law. Martial law against the people,
with the enemy drawing nigh! Martial law after the 10th of August!
Martial law in favor of the accomplices of a tyranny dethroned by the
people! What could the magistrates do against the determined will of an
indignant population, which opposed to the magistrates' talk the memory
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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