Again, it is the tariff which has induced this same company to construct factories in Canada, Sweden, Germany, and Russia. In Germany, the binders which they sell here for $125.00 are selling, according to consular reports, for $203.00. The German tariff on a binder of this kind is about $12.00. It would seem that the company ought to be able to manufacture in the United States, pay this duty, and still make good profits on the $125.00 binder. If tariffs did not have the tendency to increase rather than decrease, this might be so. Experience seems to prove that where tariff exists the manufacturer is safer on the _inside_ of the wall, even though it may be that it costs him as much or more to manufacture there than it does at home. The Harvester claims that _in spite of the difference of wages, it has no hope of being able to manufacture more cheaply abroad than at home_. This is no doubt due to a factor which protectionists unite in ignoring,—the greater productivity of the American workman. The whole situation is an excellent example of the unnatural and uncertain relations into which tariffs thrust industry. Moreover, it is an illustration of the way tariffs in the long run defeat their own purpose. The International Harvester Company did a business of $90,000,000 in 1910, _over one-third_ of which was _outside_ of the United States. Its future depends largely on the development of this outside market, and tariff conditions are such, thanks mainly to our own policy, that they find it advantageous to establish factories in the very countries which are our best customers! With each year that passed after the Dingley Bill became a law, the burden of increased prices became heavier, the restraint on commerce more unendurable. There were other causes at work besides prohibitive duties, but in certain cases these very causes could be weakened by revising the tariff. It was an obvious way of easing a bad situation, though by no means a cure-all. Through the whole citizen mass irritation at the reluctance of politicians to touch the subject, existed, and with time found varied expression. Unfortunately the leader of neither party had ever really sensed the enormity of the protective system, and consequently he could not sense the strength of the revolt which had begun. Neither Mr. Bryan nor Mr. Roosevelt had ever found in the tariff a sufficient cause of the evils they attacked so valiantly to arouse their indignation. Neither of them had ever been genuinely stirred by the unsoundness of the doctrine or by the vicious practices for which it was responsible, or by the heavy burdens it laid “where every penny counts.” By all the signs Theodore Roosevelt should have been the Richard Cobden of our tariff reform, but he did not see it as a dragon worthy of his steel.