encyclopædia of information on the “needs” of industries. When the work on the bill of 1883 began, he doubled his efforts. His days he spent in committee and in the House, his nights receiving representatives of all sorts of industries. The facts and figures they gave him he attached in long festoons to copies of the bills which he was making ready for the debate. Convinced as Kelley and Haskell were of the perfection of their doctrine, it was not to be wondered at that they looked on the Democratic opposition to the duties they were trying to carry through as outright filibustering or that they were willing to lend themselves to almost any manœuvres which would thwart it. Their first move was to try to stop debate. The attempt threw the Democrats into violent excitement, for so far only two out of sixteen schedules had been considered. It was an effort to gag the House, they declared. “Such a proposition,” said Mr. Carlisle, “has never been heard of in the parliamentary history of this country, a proposition to destroy the freedom of debate on a bill to raise revenue.” “Stop your filibustering then,” was the gist of Mr. Haskell’s retort. “Never under gag rule,” retorted Mr. Carlisle. The failure of this attempt to get his bill to vote discouraged Kelley, and it began to be rumored that he and his colleagues were going to drop it and go to the country with the charge that the Democrats had killed it by obstruction. The rumor reached the White House and Arthur let it be known that if Congress failed to pass a bill he should call them in extra session. The dilemma was a serious one for Mr. Kelley. It was evident that the Democrats would never allow his bill to come to vote unless its duties were materially reduced. He could never consent to that. But the President demanded a bill of some kind, would call an extra session to get it if necessary. The only hope seemed in the Senate bill, which was already fairly advanced and which Kelley knew would soon be reported. But this Senate bill did not suit him at all. Its duties he saw were bound to be considerably lower than those recommended by the Tariff Commission. Supposing that he waived the constitutional objection to a revenue bill originating in the Senate and let it come before the House, was there any method by which he could make it suit his notion before it came to vote? The question was a difficult one, and for the moment there seemed no answer. As day by day passed and nothing was done, irritation and uncertainty grew on both sides. Only the lobby rejoiced. There would be no reduction after all! But they did not reduce their pressure. Indeed it increased rather. The iron and steel men called down Commissioner Oliver. The mineral water men stirred up their attorney, Roscoe Conkling. Every interest engaged the highest-sounding names it could secure for a final day and night attack.