The Theory and Policy of Labour ProtectionSchäffle, A. (Albert)
General
The Theory and Policy of Labour Protection
Schäffle, A. (Albert)
Labor laws and legislation -- Germany
It would also be necessary that the measures taken should be
internationally uniform, so that separate national branches of industry
might not suffer. A practical solution of the problem can only be
arrived at after a careful collection of international statistics as to
the married women and mothers employed in factory and quasi-factory
work. Here especially, if in any department of Labour Protection, does
the State require the support of the influence of the Churches, and of
the organised, simultaneous, international agitation of the Churches in
furtherance of this object. Whoever reads the above-mentioned
writings--_Hitze's_ pamphlet gives extracts from the powerful writings
of Jules Simon and von Ketteler--will derive therefrom some hope of the
final success of Labour Protection in one of its most important future
tasks. In the present situation of affairs I know of nothing which can
shake the validity of _Hitze's_ conclusions.
In the meantime, restriction of employment of all female factory labour
to 10 hours, as proposed by the commission appointed by the German
Reichstag (see below), must be welcomed as an important step in
advance. _Hitze_ remarks: "The first condition of all social reform is
the establishment of family life on a sound and secure basis. But how is
this possible, so long as thousands of married women are working daily
in factories for 11 and 12 hours, and are absent from their homes for
still longer? Can domestic happiness and contentment flourish under such
circumstances? And is the danger any less because concentrated in
defined districts? For example, in the inspectoral district of Bautzen,
in 1884, nearly 5,000 women were drawn away from their family life by
factory work. No extended mid-day interval is granted to married women,
so far as information on this point is to be obtained. Is it merely
accidental that wherever employment of children is customary, there also
the work of the mothers is more frequent? And must not the man's
earnings be lessened if the wife and child are allowed to compete with
him? And is it merely accidental that Saxony, which is precisely the
place where female and child labour is most largely employed, should
also be the special haunt and stronghold of Social Democracy? Have we
any right to reproach the Social Democrats with causing the destruction
of family life, if we show ourselves indifferent to the actual loosening
of family ties through the regular and excessive work in factories of
housewives and mothers? Ought we to delay any longer in appealing to
legislation, when the dangers are so pressing? What will become of the
youth and future of our people if such conditions become normal? And in
fact, unless legislation interferes, the number of factory women and of
factory children will increase, not decrease. What a prospect!"
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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