The Thirty Years' War, 1618-1648Gardiner, Samuel Rawson
History
The Thirty Years' War, 1618-1648
Gardiner, Samuel Rawson
Thirty Years' War, 1618-1648
It is strange that the better part of Wallenstein's programme did not
repel Ferdinand at once. But Ferdinand never made up his mind in a hurry
when there were difficulties on both sides, and he was accustomed to
defer to the opinion of his chief minister, Eggenberg. In November
Wallenstein held a conference with that minister. He unfolded all his
scheme. He would increase his army, if it were necessary, to 70,000 men.
With such a force he would be able to avoid a pitched battle, always
dangerous to troops not thoroughly inured to campaigning. By the
occupation of superior strategical points, he would be able to
out-manoeuvre the enemy. And then Ferdinand would be master in
Germany. The whole of the Empire would be brought under contribution.
There would be submission at home, and abroad no power would be strong
enough to lay a finger upon the re-established Empire.
[Sidenote: 1627.
§ 6. Ferdinand supports Wallenstein.]
Eggenberg was easily persuaded, and when Eggenberg was won, Ferdinand
was won. In January, Wallenstein was created Duke of Friedland, a higher
title than that of Prince of Friedland, which he already bore, in token
of the Emperor's approbation. If only Wallenstein could have shown
Ferdinand the way to win the hearts of Germans as readily as he showed
him the way to overpower their resistance, the history of Germany and of
Europe would have been changed.
[Sidenote: § 7. Preponderance of Wallenstein.]
The resistance of the Protestants to the institutions of the Empire had
hitherto failed. They had been weak because there had been something
revolutionary in all their proceedings. And now those institutions,
which up to this time had been working harmoniously, were giving signs
of breaking-up. There was a little rift in them which might any day
become wider. "Is the Emperor," asked Wallenstein, "to be a mere image
which is never to move?" "It is not only the Empire," answered the
representatives of the League, "which is bound to the Emperor. The
Emperor is also bound to the Empire." There was nothing to reconcile the
opposing theories. The Emperor who claimed to be something had been the
tool of a few bishops; he would be, if Wallenstein had his way, the tool
of a successful general. The Empire, in the mouth of the representatives
of the League, meant not the populations of Germany, not even the true
interest of the princes, but simply the interest of the bishops and
their Church.
[Sidenote: § 8. The campaign of 1627.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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