Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 19th century; London (England) -- Description and travel
The clause was handed in, and more conference resulted. After which I
was asked the extraordinary question: ‘Mr. Uncommercial, do you really
wish this girl to be sent to prison?’ To which I grimly answered,
staring: ‘If I didn’t, why should I take the trouble to come here?’
Finally, I was sworn, and gave my agreeable evidence in detail, and White
Riding Hood was fined ten shillings, under the clause, or sent to prison
for so many days. ‘Why, Lord bless you, sir,’ said the Police-officer,
who showed me out, with a great enjoyment of the jest of her having been
got up so effectively, and caused so much hesitation: ‘if she goes to
prison, that will be nothing new to _her_. She comes from Charles
Street, Drury Lane!’
The Police, all things considered, are an excellent force, and I have
borne my small testimony to their merits. Constabular contemplation is
the result of a bad system; a system which is administered, not invented,
by the man in constable’s uniform, employed at twenty shillings a week.
He has his orders, and would be marked for discouragement if he
overstepped them. That the system is bad, there needs no lengthened
argument to prove, because the fact is self-evident. If it were anything
else, the results that have attended it could not possibly have come to
pass. Who will say that under a good system, our streets could have got
into their present state?
The objection to the whole Police system, as concerning the Ruffian, may
be stated, and its failure exemplified, as follows. It is well known
that on all great occasions, when they come together in numbers, the mass
of the English people are their own trustworthy Police. It is well known
that wheresoever there is collected together any fair general
representation of the people, a respect for law and order, and a
determination to discountenance lawlessness and disorder, may be relied
upon. As to one another, the people are a very good Police, and yet are
quite willing in their good-nature that the stipendiary Police should
have the credit of the people’s moderation. But we are all of us
powerless against the Ruffian, because we submit to the law, and it is
his only trade, by superior force and by violence, to defy it. Moreover,
we are constantly admonished from high places (like so many Sunday-school
children out for a holiday of buns and milk-and-water) that we are not to
take the law into our own hands, but are to hand our defence over to it.
It is clear that the common enemy to be punished and exterminated first
of all is the Ruffian. It is clear that he is, of all others, _the_
offender for whose repressal we maintain a costly system of Police. Him,
therefore, we expressly present to the Police to deal with, conscious
that, on the whole, we can, and do, deal reasonably well with one
another. Him the Police deal with so inefficiently and absurdly that he
flourishes, and multiplies, and, with all his evil deeds upon his head as
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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