The Unconstitutionality of SlaverySpooner, Lysander
Philosophy
The Unconstitutionality of Slavery
Spooner, Lysander
Slavery -- United States
_Socially_, also, we have an interest in the freedom of all the states.
We have an interest in free personal intercourse with all the people
living under a common government with ourselves. We wish to be free to
discuss, with any and all of them, all the principles of liberty and all
the interests of humanity. We wish, when we meet a fellow man, to be at
liberty to speak freely with him of his and our condition; to be at
liberty to do him a service; to advise with him as to the means of
improving his condition; and, if need be, to ask a kindness at his
hands. But all these things are incompatible with slavery. Is this such
an union as we bargained for? Was it "nominated in the bond," that we
should be cut off from these the common rights of human nature? If so,
point to the line and letter, where it is so written. Neither of them
are to be found. But the contrary is expressly guarantied against the
power of both the governments, state and national; for the national
government is prohibited from passing any law abridging the freedom of
speech and the press, and the state governments are prohibited from
maintaining any other than a republican form of government, which of
course implies the same freedom.
The nation at large have still another interest in the republicanism of
each of the states; an interest, too, that is indicated in the same
section in which this republicanism is guarantied. This interest results
from the fact that the nation are pledged to "protect" each of the
states "against domestic violence." Was there no account taken--in
reference either to the cost or the principle of this undertaking--as to
what might be the character of the state governments, which we are thus
pledged to defend against the risings of the people? Did we covenant, in
this clause, to wage war against the rights of man? Did we pledge
ourselves that those, however few, who might ever succeed in getting the
government of a state into their hands, should thenceforth be recognized
as the legitimate power of the state, and be entitled to the whole force
of the general government to aid them in subjecting the remainder of the
people to the degradation and injustice of slavery? Or did the nation
undertake only to guarantee the preservation of "a republican form of
government" against the violence of those who might prove its enemies?
The reason of the thing, and the connexion, in which the two provisions
stand in the constitution, give the answer.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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