[279] Second International American Conference, English text (Mexico, Government Printing Office, 1902), p. 309. [280] Third International American Conference, Minutes, Resolutions, Documents (Rio de Janeiro, Imprensa Nacional. 1907), P. 605. [281] Bulletin of the Pan American Union, Vol. 31, p. 796. [282] _Am. Journal of International Law_, Vol. 10, p. 212. [283] John Bassett Moore, "Principles of American Diplomacy," pp. 407-408. [284] "Affairs in Mexico," Sixty-fourth Cong., First Sess., Sen. Doc. No. 324. The World Peace Foundation has issued two pamphlets containing documents on Mexico under the title of "The New Pan Americanism," Parts I and II (February and April, 1916). [285] Percy A. Martin, "Latin America and the War" (issued by the World Peace Foundation, August, 1919). [286] Martin, "Latin America and the War," pp. 13-15. [287] Enrique Rocuant, "The Neutrality of Chile and the Grounds that Prompted and Justified It," (Valparaiso, 1919). [288] Reprinted in International Conciliation, Inter-American Division, Bulletin No. 20 (April, 1919). CHAPTER IX THE MONROE DOCTRINE In the foregoing chapters we have discussed the origin and the more important applications of the Monroe Doctrine. There remain, however, certain general aspects of the subject which require special consideration. In any discussion of the Monroe Doctrine it is important to bear in mind that it was in its origin and has always remained purely an executive policy. Neither house of Congress has ever expressly sanctioned the language of President Monroe or attempted to formulate a new definition of the policy. On January 20, 1824, a few weeks after Monroe's famous message, Henry Clay made an effort to get Congress to endorse the policy announced by the executive, but his resolution was tabled.[289] In 1856 Senator Clayton, who as secretary of state had negotiated the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, declared that he would be willing to vote to assert the Monroe Doctrine and maintain it, but that he would "not expect to be sustained in such a vote by both branches of Congress. Whenever the attempt has been made to assert the Monroe Doctrine in either branch of Congress, it has failed." And he added, "You cannot prevail on a majority, and I will venture to say that you cannot prevail on one-third, of either house of Congress to sustain it."[290] In fact, the Monroe Doctrine never received anything approaching legislative sanction until 1895, when, in response to President Cleveland's message on the Venezuelan boundary dispute, Congress appropriated $100,000 to pay the expenses of the commission which he proposed to appoint.