The United States of America, Part 1: 1783-1830Sparks, Edwin Erle
History
The United States of America, Part 1: 1783-1830
Sparks, Edwin Erle
United States -- History
where they had formerly been able to get only local protection. The
members of Congress described in their letters to friends the fish
battles, the salt battles, and other manifestations in legislative
halls of the cupidity of mankind when opportunity is once presented.
In this way it came about that the first revenue measure in the first
session of the first efficient National Legislature brought the members
face to face with the question of the purpose for which government
exists. The Declaration of Independence had declared it to be the
securing of certain inalienable rights with which men are endowed by
their Creator. This French conception of certain abstract and general
rights had taken in British and colonial minds the very concrete shape
of property. It is scarcely just to say that even unconsciously the
British people had instituted government for the protection of property
and invested interests; but it is within the bounds of truth to say
that a large part of the legislation of Parliament, in the formative
days of the American colonies, had been inaugurated with this end in
view. With the abuses of the monopolies granted by the mother country,
the colonists were only too familiar. But the principle had been
inherited, and it had been put into practice in the shape of legislative
aid granted by colonial assemblies for the inauguration of various
commercial and manufacturing enterprises. Sometimes this assistance
had taken the form of money; at other times, of a patent or monopoly
granted for a number of years. Petitions for such aid had been presented
to the Continental Congress at various times. It was not strange that
they should appear in the new Congress, as has just been described.
Political parties had not yet been developed, but the debates on this
first tariff bill showed a strong tendency to sectionalism, arising
from the varied interests of an extensive territory. It was a
sectionalism which, if it prevailed, would tend to weaken the Central
Government, but, if overcome by compromise or force, would strengthen
the national authority by the very fact of the victory. At the time
the differences of opinion arising from the various parts seemed so
irreconcilable that Madison frequently confessed his despair of getting
any tariff measure passed at the session; so early did the sectional
interests appear, which were destined later to threaten seriously the
very existence of the Union.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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