We have learned to look upon the doctrine of interdependence of classes
within the nation as a truth self-evident to all eyes unblinded by
wilful prejudice or ignorance of that disabling kind charitably defined
by the Roman Catholic Church as invincible. To say that unemployment in
the mills of Lancashire or the shipyards of the Clyde not only affects
the happiness and well-being of cotton operatives and boiler-makers and
the great businesses which are carried on by their means, but depresses
the national vitality and puts a drag on the national energy throughout
the kingdom--to assert that no people can be wholly strong and vigorous
while any corner of its territory or any layer in its social strata
remains in the possession of a group physically weak, mentally
undeveloped, and morally below the standard of ethics which, as a
people, it has tacitly agreed to accept as necessary, seems to many of
us in these days to state truisms. Yet it is not so long ago that facts
which we now presume to be familiar, at least to every undergraduate,
were the dangerous discovery of the few who, in an age when people said
'Socialist' as Mr. Pecksniff said 'Pagan', had the temerity to point
out, that in things human and political as in mechanics, a chain was and
could be no stronger than its weakest link. Even now, in the reaction,
often only half conscious, of the employing class against any force
which tends to raise the employed to a social plane less removed from
that on which they themselves move, in the genuine dislike of
education, concealed under ceremonial phrases in days of peace but
breaking into fire and fury when the natural man is roused by a touch of
excitement, we can see how skin-deep in many cases is the general belief
in the widely proclaimed creed that economically as well as spiritually,
we are all members one of another. And if the truth of our
interdependence as citizens has won acceptance slowly and grudgingly,
because the facts that prove it lie other-where than on the surface, it
is easy to understand that the interdependence which is international,
resulting as it does from the meeting, and crossing, and twining in the
web of national life of innumerable fine threads drawn from the utmost
corners of the civilized world, has scarcely yet come within the
consideration of the ordinary man as an influence from which he cannot
escape, and with which, therefore, he is bound to reckon. That,
doubtless, is why international movements in general arouse so little
interest in the mind of the average reader of newspapers. He does not
regard them as practical. The persons engaged in promoting them he
defines as cranks, dividing them into two classes, of whom one may be
dismissed as harmlessly absurd, while the other ought probably to be
suppressed as dangerous.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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