The Vagrancy Problem.: The Case for Measures of Restraint for Tramps, Loafers, and Unemployables: With a Study of Continental Detention Colonies and Labour HousesDawson, William Harbutt
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The Vagrancy Problem.: The Case for Measures of Restraint for Tramps, Loafers, and Unemployables: With a Study of Continental Detention Colonies and Labour Houses
Dawson, William Harbutt
Poor laws; Poor laws -- Great Britain; Tramps; Unemployed
That is one aspect of the question, but there is another. The really
pertinent point is, are the conditions of life nowadays prevalent
in the workhouse in themselves too humane; do they go beyond the
requirements of our modern civilisation? If not, there is no
justification for holding the reforming hand. The right thing, surely,
is to level up the conditions of life outside. Just as the admirable
example set by so many public authorities in the treatment of their
servants exerts a favourable influence in favour of employees in
private service, so the standard of life insisted upon for the public
workhouse, infirmary and asylum is bound to react upon the homes and
habits of the independent labouring classes. If the workman who is
taxed to keep the pauper in tolerable comfort does not enjoy at least
equal conditions of existence himself, he will ask himself, and then
others, the reason why. And who will blame him for so doing? Least of
all the sociologist, who knows that no factor in the civilisation of
society is more potent or more irresistible than the expansion of one's
view of life and the multiplication of rational needs.
There remain the _bona-fide_ seekers of work. For them no adequate
provision exists, and the neglect to make it is a crying wrong. The
present indiscriminate treatment of all wayfarers works unjustly in
every way. It is unfair to the dissolute idler, whom it confirms in
his sloth; it is monstrously unfair to the unwilling idler, whom it
penalises for his misfortune. When society has done its duty to the
tramp, it will not hesitate to recognise its responsibilities towards
the genuine unemployed. It will do so not from motives of philanthropy
alone, though it is a platitude to say that a society which professes
to be based on Christian principles owes far more than it has ever
paid or acknowledged to its workless members; it will do it also from
considerations of social interest and well-being, recognising that
it is the best charity and the truest economy to get an idle man's
hands employed as soon as possible, the worst extravagance to allow
him to remain unproductive a day longer than can be avoided. Labour is
the first element in all wealth-creation, and every idle man is, in
greater or less degree, a source of national impoverishment, for he is
consuming without producing.
Wherever public labour registries have been established as part of a
co-ordinated system, as in Bavaria and other parts of Germany, and
in Switzerland, it has been found that, short of a free use of the
railway, which is no doubt the ideal arrangement, hostels for decent
wayfarers of the working class are essential. Those who think that such
institutions are superfluous will do well to read the following story
told by a working man correspondent in _The Times_:--
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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