The War and DemocracySeton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
History
The War and Democracy
Seton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1871-1918; Nationalism -- Europe; World War, 1914-1918
The events of the great war have already modified the problem. The one
unanswerable argument of the Serbs in declining to surrender Macedonia
was the plea that they would then have nothing to offer Bulgaria for her
neutrality or her support when their own inevitable day of reckoning with
Austria should arrive. In short, Veles, Monastir and Ochrida were widely
regarded as a pledge to be held until Bosnia and Dalmatia could be
redeemed, but then to be handed over to the Bulgarians. It is true that the
Serbo-Bulgar War of 1913 and the passions which it aroused have converted
this feeling into one of reluctance to sacrifice what was bought at such a
fearful price. But the moment has now arrived to translate an instinct into
a reality. If Southern Slav Unity is to be achieved, a binding promise,
under the guarantee of the Entente Powers, must be given to Bulgaria, that,
in proportion as the work of Serbo-Croat unification is achieved, the
Macedonian frontier will be revised in favour of Bulgaria. It is possible
that Bulgaria may prefer a different formula, according to which the Tsar
with the approval of his Western Allies should arbitrate upon the original
Serbo-Bulgar treaty. Any such concession to Bulgarian sentiment ought not
to be resented in Serbia, in view of the great issues involved. It is
obvious that Serbia cannot hope to achieve her national unity unless
Bulgaria abstains from hostile action, or to consolidate her new position
when won unless she can win Bulgaria's active friendship. The latter by her
intervention could at any moment turn the scales against Turkey or against
Serbia, and it is thus essential that the Allies should treat her now with
a generosity proportionate to the callous neglect with which Europe left
her to her fate in September 1913.
The tendency to look down upon the Balkan States from the fancied heights
of a superior "culture" has never been so marked in France or Britain as
in Germany, where the Press is now engaged in comparing their own cultural
exploits in Belgium with the lack of culture displayed by the "bandits" and
"assassins" of Serbia, and where a man of such scientific distinction as
Werner Sombart can describe the heroic kingdom of Montenegro as "nothing
but a bad joke in the history of the world!"[1] But even here the habit
of condescension lingers, and amidst the threatened collapse of Western
civilisation it is well to remember the essential distinction between
primitive and savage. The Balkan nations have grown to manhood while
we slept, and must henceforth be regarded as equals in the European
commonwealth.
[Footnote 1: _Berliner Tageblatt,_ cited by _Observer_, November 8, 1914.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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