The War and DemocracySeton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
History
The War and Democracy
Seton-Watson, R. W. (Robert William)
Europe -- Politics and government -- 1871-1918; Nationalism -- Europe; World War, 1914-1918
The explanation lies in the nature of German thought and ambitions. When
Germans speak of "a place in the sun," they are not thinking of the spread
of German trade, the success of German adventure or enterprise, or of
the achievements of Germans in distant lands. They are thinking of the
extension of the German State. British influence beyond the seas has been
built up during the last four centuries by the character and achievements
of British pioneers. Downing Street has seldom helped, often hindered, and
generally only ratified the accomplished facts of British settlement and
influence. That is not the Prussian theory or the Prussian method. It is
for the State to win the territory, and then to set the people to work
there, on lines laid down from above. The individual Englishman, when
he goes out to colonise, carries England with him, as a part of his
personality. Not so the German, at least on the Prussian theory. "The _rare
case_ supervened," says Prince Bülow,[1] of an instance typical of the
building up of the British Empire, "that the establishment of State rule
_followed and did not precede_ the tasks of colonising and civilisation."
The State itself, on this theory, has a civilising mission of expansion
towards which it directs the activities of its citizens.
[Footnote 1: _Imperial Germany_, 1st ed., p. 249.]
Under the influence of ideas such as these, Germany, since the accession of
William II., has built a Navy second to that of Great Britain alone.
What was the purpose of the building of the German Navy? The German
official answer is that its purpose was the protection of German trade. "We
are now vulnerable at sea," says Prince Bülow. "We have entrusted millions
to the ocean, and with these millions, the weal and woe of many of our
countrymen. If we had not in good time provided protection for them ...
we should have been exposed to the danger of having one day to look on
defencelessly while we were deprived of them. We should have been placed in
the position of being unable to employ and support a considerable number of
our millions of inhabitants at home. The result would have been an
economic crisis which might easily attain the proportions of a national
catastrophe."
These words may yet prove prophetic. But the catastrophe will not be the
result of Germany's lack of a Navy; it will be the result of challenging
the naval supremacy of Great Britain.
Prince Bülow's argument assumes, as a basis, the hostility of Great
Britain. This assumption, as we know, was unjustified; and its persistence
in the German mind can only be set down to an uneasy conscience. The hard
fact of the matter is that it is impossible for Germany or for any other
Power successfully to defend her foreign trade in case of war with Great
Britain. No other Power thinks it necessary to attempt to do so, for no
other Power has reason to desire or to foresee a naval conflict with Great
Britain.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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