The decision of Herrera's administration to reject Slidell, our minister of peace, was generally regarded--except by the partisan opponents of our government--as a crowning proof of the vanity of forbearance and a loud call for action. This nation, said the St. Louis _Republican_, "owes it to herself and her character, and the just appreciation of her ministers and her standing in all foreign countries not to suffer so open an insult to her representative to pass unnoticed." "The indignity to our Minister requires atonement," was the crisper utterance of the _Picayune_, which was widely recognized as the best informed authority on Mexican affairs among our newspapers. The revolution of Paredes appeared to be a further evidence of hostility. The government of Mexico, observed the _Delta_ of New Orleans, has been overthrown with no pretext except the necessity of active war against the United States; so let war be waged. Finally, the definitive rejection of our peace overture, announced in Castillo's defiant and offensive note, supplied a conclusive argument in the opinion of many against further hesitation. "We have borne and forborne long enough, and a resolute stand should be taken at once," was the comment of the _Missouri Reporter_. "The United States," declared the New Orleans _Commercial Bulletin_, "have borne more insult, abuse, insolence and injury, from Mexico, than one nation ever before endured from another ... they are now left no alternative but to extort by arms the respect and justice which Mexico refuses to any treatment less harsh."[6.6] [BELIEF THAT EUROPE WAS BEHIND MEXICO] Another consideration that intensified public sentiment was the suspicion, which in many cases deepened into something more, that she was to be used against us by the monarchies of Europe, and in particular by Great Britain. In 1842, when she made forays into Texas and threatened a serious invasion, it became a very prevalent opinion in the United States, reported the Mexican consul at New Orleans, that England stood behind these movements; and later that country was justly believed to be working in Texas to defeat and injure us. Her influence at Mexico was understood to be powerful; and the Americans, not aware what elements of strength Mexico felt able to count upon, thought she certainly would not defy us unless assured of foreign support. "Our people are prone to the opinion, whether well or ill-founded," said the _Commonwealth_ of Lexington, Kentucky, in February, 1846, "that that ambitious and mischievous government [of Great Britain] is at the bottom of Mexican hostility towards us." This was provocation enough. "To fight the Britishers, all the States are one," complained the London _Times_, and on this point it was doubtless much closer to the fact than in most of its deliverances on American affairs.[6.7]