The sentiment in favor of offering to treat with our weak and unfortunate neighbor--as illustrated by formal action in Rhode Island and New York, for example--was in fact strong. Even the British minister at Washington recognized that the feeling in the Senate was "entirely in favor of generous and pacific measures towards Mexico." Such Whigs as Webster and Winthrop demanded that a commission be sent; Benton favored that idea; and about the middle of January, 1847, it was powerfully supported by Atocha, who presented himself at the capital. This cunning and perfectly unscrupulous intriguer, who had been expelled by Santa Anna's enemies in 1845 because he represented the dictator's corrupt financial methods and then by Santa Anna himself in September, 1846, because he knew too much about the Liberator's dealings with Mackenzie, readily proved his intimacy with leading Mexicans, created the belief that he was the government's peace agent, induced our administration to propose on January 18 a meeting of American and Mexican commissioners at Jalapa or Havana, and was made the bearer of Buchanan's despatch to the minister of relations.[27.6] Undoubtedly, though invested with no diplomatic functions, Atocha was expected to do much personally; but in this he totally failed. At Vera Cruz the people attempted to murder him. At Mexico he was ordered to leave almost immediately, and was prevented from talking with any person of influence; and such use as he contrived to make of the pen, in suggesting terms of peace to Rejón, proved utterly fruitless. In short, the American messenger was handled with tongs, and he was back at Washington about the twentieth of March with an offensively worded note, refusing to treat until all Mexican lands and waters should be evacuated by our forces. Clearly this was a most unhappy overture.[27.6] [WHY MEXICO WOULD NOT TREAT] Many circumstances combined to inspire such boldness on the part of our antagonist. Aside from the personal interest of many public men in continuing the war, and the belief, prompted by vanity and encouraged by specious arguments, both domestic and European, that natural defences, latent resources and the military ardor of brave citizens fighting for their homes would enable her to beat untrained money-grubbers and "cowardly adventurers," operating far from their base--aside from all this, hatred of "the rapacious invader," a fear that peace would only lead to fresh demands and fresh encroachments, and the fine theory that no people struggling for their independence could be vanquished exerted a strong influence.[27.7]