The Wars of the Roses; or, Stories of the Struggle of York and LancasterEdgar, John G. (John George)
History
The Wars of the Roses; or, Stories of the Struggle of York and Lancaster
Edgar, John G. (John George)
Great Britain -- History -- Wars of the Roses, 1455-1485
Windsor had been selected as the place of interment. Ere being conveyed
to its last resting-place, however, the corpse, covered with cloth of
gold, was carried to the Abbey of Westminster under a rich canopy of
cloth imperial, supported by four knights, Sir John Howard bearing the
banner in front of the procession, and the officers of arms walking
around. Mass having been again performed at Westminster, the mortal
remains of the warrior-king were placed in a chariot drawn by six
horses, and conveyed, by slow stages, along the banks of the Thames.
Having been met at the gates of Windsor, and perfumed with odors by the
Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Winchester the corpse was borne
in solemn procession to the Chapel of St. George, where, placed in the
choir, on a hearse blazing with lights and surrounded with banners, it
was watched for the night by nobles and esquires. Another mass, more
religious solemnities, a few more ceremonies befitting the rank of the
deceased, and the last Plantagenet whose obsequies were performed with
royal honors was committed to the tomb.
CHAPTER XLI.
THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.
Whether Richard the Third, with his hunch back, withered arm, splay
feet, goggle eyes, and swarthy countenance, as portrayed by poets and
chroniclers of the Tudor period, very closely resembles the Richard of
Baynard's Castle and Bosworth Field, is a question which philosophical
historians have answered in the negative. The evidence of the old
Countess of Desmond, when brought to light by Horace Walpole in 1758,
first began to set the world right on this subject. Born about the
middle of the fifteenth century, she lived--when the Plantagenets
had been displaced by the Tudors, and the Tudors succeeded by the
Stuarts--to affirm, in the seventeenth century, that, in her youth,
she had danced with Richard at his brother's court, and that he whom
historians had, in deference to Tudor prejudices, represented as a
monster of ugliness, was in reality the handsomest man in the room
except his brother Edward, and that he was very well made.
It can not be denied that the Countess of Desmond's description of
Richard appears extremely complimentary; and, indeed, it would have
been something novel in human nature if this lady of the house of
Fitzgerald, in old age and penury, had not been inclined to exaggerate
the personal advantages of a Plantagenet prince who, in the days of
her youth and hope, had distinguished her by his attention. Evidence,
however, exists in abundance to prove that Richard was utterly unlike
the deformed ruffian introduced into history by the scribes and
sheriffs of London, who plied their pens with an eye to the favor of
the Tudors.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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